Polybius, Histories

Translation

Book 9 - Chapter 28

<head lang="la">VII. Res Graeciae</head><w lemma="%2A%28%2Foti">Ὅτι</w> <w lemma="me%5Cn">μὲν</w> <w lemma="ou%29%3Dn">οὖν</w>, <w lemma="w%29%3D">ὦ</w> <w lemma="a%29%2Fndres">ἄνδρες</w> <w lemma="%2Alakedaimo%2Fnioi">Λακεδαιμόνιοι</w>, <w lemma="th%5Cn">τὴν</w> <w lemma="%2Amakedo%2Fnwn">Μακεδόνων</w> <w lemma="dunastei%2Fan">δυναστείαν</w> <w lemma="a%29rxh%5Cn">ἀρχὴν</w> <w lemma="sune%2Fbh">συνέβη</w> <w lemma="gegone%2Fnai">γεγονέναι</w> <w lemma="toi%3Ds">τοῖς</w> <w lemma="%2A%28%2Fellhsi">Ἕλλησι</w> <w lemma="doulei%2Fas">δουλείας</w>, <w lemma="ou%29d%27">οὐδ᾽</w> <w lemma="a%29%2Fllws">ἄλλως</w> <w lemma="ei%29pei%3Dn">εἰπεῖν</w> <w lemma="ou%29de%2Fna">οὐδένα</w> <w lemma="pe%2Fpeismai">πέπεισμαι</w> <w lemma="tolmh%3Dsai:">τολμῆσαι·</w> <w lemma="skopei%3Dn">σκοπεῖν</w> <w lemma="d%27">δ᾽</w> <w lemma="ou%28%2Ftws">οὕτως</w> <w lemma="e%29%2Fcestin">ἔξεστιν</w>.

<w lemma="h%29%3Dn">ἦν</w> <w lemma="ti">τι</w> <w lemma="su%2Fsthma">σύστημα</w> <w lemma="tw%3Dn">τῶν</w> <w lemma="e%29pi%5C">ἐπὶ</w> <w lemma="%2Aqra%2F%7Ckhs">Θρᾴκης</w> <w lemma="%2A%28ellh%2Fnwn">Ἑλλήνων</w>, <w lemma="ou%28%5Cs">οὓς</w> <w lemma="a%29pw%2F%7Ckisan">ἀπῴκισαν</w> <w lemma="%2A%29aqhnai%3Doi">Ἀθηναῖοι</w> <w lemma="kai%5C">καὶ</w> <w lemma="%2Axalkidei%3Ds">Χαλκιδεῖς</w>, <w lemma="w%28%3Dn">ὧν</w> <w lemma="me%2Fgiston">μέγιστον</w> <w lemma="ei%29%3Dxe">εἶχε</w> <w lemma="pro%2Fsxhma">πρόσχημα</w> <w lemma="kai%5C">καὶ</w> <w lemma="du%2Fnamin">δύναμιν</w> <w lemma="h%28">ἡ</w> <w lemma="tw%3Dn">τῶν</w> <w lemma="%2A%29olunqi%2Fwn">Ὀλυνθίων</w> <w lemma="po%2Flis">πόλις</w>.

<w lemma="tau%2Fthn">ταύτην</w> <w lemma="e%29candrapodisa%2Fmenos">ἐξανδραποδισάμενος</w> <w lemma="%2Afi%2Flippos">Φίλιππος</w> <w lemma="kai%5C">καὶ</w> <w lemma="para%2Fdeigma">παράδειγμα</w> <w lemma="poih%2Fsas">ποιήσας</w> <w lemma="ou%29">οὐ</w> <w lemma="mo%2Fnon">μόνον</w> <w lemma="tw%3Dn">τῶν</w> <w lemma="e%29pi%5C">ἐπὶ</w> <w lemma="%2Aqra%2F%7Ckhs">Θρᾴκης</w> <w lemma="po%2Flewn">πόλεων</w> <w lemma="e%29ge%2Fneto">ἐγένετο</w> <w lemma="ku%2Frios">κύριος</w>, <w lemma="a%29lla%5C">ἀλλὰ</w> <w lemma="kai%5C">καὶ</w> <w lemma="%2Aqettalou%5Cs">Θετταλοὺς</w> <w lemma="u%28f%27">ὑφ᾽</w> <w lemma="au%28to%5Cn">αὑτὸν</w> <w lemma="e%29poih%2Fsato">ἐποιήσατο</w> <w lemma="dia%5C">διὰ</w> <w lemma="to%5Cn">τὸν</w> <w lemma="fo%2Fbon">φόβον</w>.

<w lemma="met%27">μετ᾽</w> <w lemma="ou%29">οὐ</w> <w lemma="polu%5C">πολὺ</w> <w lemma="de%5C">δὲ</w> <w lemma="ma%2Fxh%7C">μάχῃ</w> <w lemma="nikh%2Fsas">νικήσας</w> <w lemma="tou%5Cs">τοὺς</w> <w lemma="%2A%29aqhnai%2Fous">Ἀθηναίους</w> <w lemma="e%29xrh%2Fsato">ἐχρήσατο</w> <w lemma="megaloyu%2Fxws">μεγαλοψύχως</w> <w lemma="toi%3Ds">τοῖς</w> <w lemma="eu%29tuxh%2Fmasin">εὐτυχήμασιν</w>, <w lemma="ou%29x">οὐχ</w> <w lemma="o%28%2Fpws">ὅπως</w> <w lemma="%2A%29aqhnai%2Fous">Ἀθηναίους</w> <w lemma="eu%29%3D">εὖ</w> <w lemma="poih%2Fsh%7C">ποιήσῃ</w>, <w lemma="pollou%3D">πολλοῦ</w> <w lemma="ge">γε</w> <w lemma="dei%3Dn">δεῖν</w>, <w lemma="a%29ll%27">ἀλλ᾽</w> <w lemma="i%28%2Fna">ἵνα</w> <w lemma="dia%5C">διὰ</w> <w lemma="th%3Ds">τῆς</w> <w lemma="pro%5Cs">πρὸς</w> <w lemma="e%29kei%2Fnous">ἐκείνους</w> <w lemma="eu%29ergesi%2Fas">εὐεργεσίας</w> <w lemma="prokale%2Fshtai">προκαλέσηται</w> <w lemma="tou%5Cs">τοὺς</w> <w lemma="a%29%2Fllous">ἄλλους</w> <w lemma="ei%29s">εἰς</w> <w lemma="to%5C">τὸ</w> <w lemma="poiei%3Dn">ποιεῖν</w> <w lemma="e%29qelonth%5Cn">ἐθελοντὴν</w> <w lemma="au%29tw%3D%7C">αὐτῷ</w> <w lemma="to%5C">τὸ</w> <w lemma="prostatto%2Fmenon">προσταττόμενον</w>.

<w lemma="h%29%3Dn">ἦν</w> <w lemma="e%29%2Fti">ἔτι</w> <w lemma="to%5C">τὸ</w> <w lemma="th%3Ds">τῆς</w> <w lemma="u%28mete%2Fras">ὑμετέρας</w> <w lemma="po%2Flews">πόλεως</w> <w lemma="a%29ci%2Fwma">ἀξίωμα</w>, <w lemma="dokou%3Dn">δοκοῦν</w> <w lemma="a%29%5Cn">ἂν</w> <w lemma="su%5Cn">σὺν</w> <w lemma="kairw%3D%7C">καιρῷ</w> <w lemma="prosth%2Fsesqai">προστήσεσθαι</w> <w lemma="tw%3Dn">τῶν</w> <w lemma="%2A%28ellh%2Fnwn">Ἑλλήνων</w>.

<w lemma="toigarou%3Dn">τοιγαροῦν</w> <w lemma="pa%3Dsan">πᾶσαν</w> <w lemma="i%28kanh%5Cn">ἱκανὴν</w> <w lemma="poihsa%2Fmenos">ποιησάμενος</w> <w lemma="pro%2Ffasin">πρόφασιν</w> <w lemma="h%28%3Dke">ἧκε</w> <w lemma="meta%5C">μετὰ</w> <w lemma="tw%3Dn">τῶν</w> <w lemma="duna%2Fmewn">δυνάμεων</w>, <w lemma="kai%5C">καὶ</w> <w lemma="kate%2Ffqeire">κατέφθειρε</w> <w lemma="me%5Cn">μὲν</w> <w lemma="te%2Fmnwn">τέμνων</w> <w lemma="th%5Cn">τὴν</w> <w lemma="gh%3Dn">γῆν</w>, <w lemma="kate%2Ffqeire">κατέφθειρε</w> <w lemma="d%27">δ᾽</w> <w lemma="ai%29%2Fqwn">αἴθων</w> <w lemma="ta%5Cs">τὰς</w> <w lemma="oi%29ki%2Fas">οἰκίας</w>.

<w lemma="to%5C">τὸ</w> <w lemma="de%5C">δὲ</w> <w lemma="teleutai%3Don">τελευταῖον</w> <w lemma="a%29potemo%2Fmenos">ἀποτεμόμενος</w> <w lemma="kai%5C">καὶ</w> <w lemma="ta%5Cs">τὰς</w> <w lemma="po%2Fleis">πόλεις</w> <w lemma="kai%5C">καὶ</w> <w lemma="th%5Cn">τὴν</w> <w lemma="xw%2Fran">χώραν</w> <w lemma="u%28mw%3Dn">ὑμῶν</w> <w lemma="prose%2Fneime">προσένειμε</w> <w lemma="th%5Cn">τὴν</w> <w lemma="me%5Cn">μὲν</w> <w lemma="%2A%29argei%2Fois">Ἀργείοις</w>, <w lemma="th%5Cn">τὴν</w> <w lemma="de%5C">δὲ</w> <w lemma="%2Ategea%2Ftais">Τεγεάταις</w> <w lemma="kai%5C">καὶ</w> <w lemma="%2Amegalopoli%2Ftais">Μεγαλοπολίταις</w>, <w lemma="th%5Cn">τὴν</w> <w lemma="de%5C">δὲ</w> <w lemma="%2Amesshni%2Fois">Μεσσηνίοις</w>, <w lemma="a%28%2Fpantas">ἅπαντας</w> <w lemma="boulo%2Fmenos">βουλόμενος</w> <w lemma="kai%5C">καὶ</w> <w lemma="para%5C">παρὰ</w> <w lemma="to%5C">τὸ</w> <w lemma="prosh%3Dkon">προσῆκον</w> <w lemma="eu%29ergetei%3Dn">εὐεργετεῖν</w>, <w lemma="e%29f%27">ἐφ᾽</w> <w lemma="w%28%3D%7C">ᾧ</w> <w lemma="mo%2Fnon">μόνον</w> <w lemma="u%28ma%3Ds">ὑμᾶς</w> <w lemma="kakw%3Ds">κακῶς</w> <w lemma="poiei%3Dn">ποιεῖν</w>.

<w lemma="diede%2Fcato">διεδέξατο</w> <w lemma="par%27">παρ᾽</w> <w lemma="au%29tou%3D">αὐτοῦ</w> <w lemma="th%5Cn">τὴν</w> <w lemma="a%29rxh%5Cn">ἀρχὴν</w> <w lemma="%2A%29ale%2Fcandros">Ἀλέξανδρος</w>. <w lemma="ou%28%3Dtos">οὗτος</w> <w lemma="pa%2Flin">πάλιν</w> <w lemma="u%28polabw%5Cn">ὑπολαβὼν</w> <w lemma="braxu%2F">βραχύ</w> <w lemma="ti">τι</w> <w lemma="th%3Ds">τῆς</w> <w lemma="%2A%28ella%2Fdos">Ἑλλάδος</w> <w lemma="e%29%2Fnausma">ἔναυσμα</w> <w lemma="katalei%2Fpesqai">καταλείπεσθαι</w> <w lemma="peri%5C">περὶ</w> <w lemma="th%5Cn">τὴν</w> <w lemma="%2Aqhbai%2Fwn">Θηβαίων</w> <w lemma="po%2Flin">πόλιν</w>, <w lemma="ti%2Fna">τίνα</w> <w lemma="tro%2Fpon">τρόπον</w> <w lemma="au%29th%5Cn">αὐτὴν</w> <w lemma="die%2Ffqeire">διέφθειρε</w>, <w lemma="pa%2Fntas">πάντας</w> <w lemma="u%28ma%3Ds">ὑμᾶς</w> <w lemma="oi%29%2Fomai">οἴομαι</w> <w lemma="katanoei%3Dn">κατανοεῖν</w>.

<head>Transfer of the People of Agathyrna</head><head>VII. Affairs of Greece</head><head>Speeches of Chlaeneas the Aetolian and Lyciscus the Acarnanian at <a class="linkToPlace" target="_blank" href="/place?placename=Sparta&groupId=660&placeId=1208">Sparta</a></head>"Men of Lacedaemon, I am convinced indeed that no one would venture to deny that the slavery of Greece owes its origin to the kings of Macedon,

but the matter may be looked at thus. There was once a group of Greek cities in <a class="linkToPlace" target="_blank" href="/place?placename=Thrace&groupId=1030&placeId=509">Thrace</a> founded by the Athenian and Chalcidians, of which Olynthus was the most eminent and powerful.

Philip, by selling its inhabitants into slavery and making an example of it, not only obtained possession of the Thracian cities, but intimidated the Thessalians into submission

When, shortly afterwards, he had defeated the Athenians in a battle he made a generous use of his success, not with the object of benefiting the Athenians, far from it, but in order that his kindness to them might induce others to obey his orders without resistance.

The prestige of your city still survived then and it seemed as if in time you would be the leading power in Greece.

Consequently, alleging as sufficient any pretext that offered itself, he came here with his army and inflicted great damage, cutting the crops and trees and burning the homesteads, and finally partitioning your cities and your territory, he signed part of it to the <a class="linkToPlace" target="_blank" href="/place?placename=Argives&groupId=361&placeId=688">Argives</a>, part to the Tegeans and Megalopolitans, and part to the Messenians, wishing to confer ill-merited benefits on all of them if by doing so he could only damage you.

He was succeeded by Alexander. That king again, because he thought there was left in Thebes a little spark of the Greece that once was, destroyed that city in the manner that you all, I take it, know.

Walbank Commentary

Overview

9.27.0 - 9.39.0

Speeches of Aetolian and Acarnanian envoys at <a class="linkToPlace" target="_blank" href="/place?placename=Sparta&groupId=660&placeId=1208">Sparta</a> Philip's aggression against <a class="linkToPlace" target="_blank" href="/place?placename=Illyria&groupId=647&placeId=1186">Illyria</a> (cf. viii. 13–14) led to an approach by M. Valerius Laevinus, the Roman commander in Greece (viii. 1. 6; Livy, xxv. 3. 6), to the Aetolian confederation (cf. v. 105. 8; Livy, xxv. 23. 9, xxvi. 24. 1); as a result a treaty was agreed between Laevinus and the Aetolians, probably in autumn 211 (above, pp. 11–13). Ratification at <a class="linkToPlace" target="_blank" href="/place?placename=Rome&groupId=935&placeId=1669">Rome</a> took place two years later (Livy, xxvi. 24. 14) after a delay which can be satisfactorily explained as due first to the desire to leave it till Laevinus' consulship in 210, and later to pressure of events which caused it to be pushed on one side; this made no difference to operations (Badian, Latomus, 1958, 205–8). Whether the treaty was to be valid only for the duration of the war (Heuss, Völk. Grund. 39), or was to initiate a permanent relationship (De Sanctis, iii. 2. 415; Holleaux, 237) is much debated; no Roman treaties of limited duration survive, but the admission of the Peloponnesian states, Attalus, Pleuratus, and <a class="linkToPlace" target="_blank" href="/place?placename=Scerdilaidas&groupId=953&placeId=1692">Scerdilaidas</a> (Livy, xxvi. 24. 9), is easier to understand if the period of the war alone was envisaged. In that case, the relationship after the war would have been that of amicitia; but the separate Aetolian peace of 206 (Livy, xxix. 12. 1), which was a breach of the treaty (xviii. 38. 8), ended any relations between <a class="linkToPlace" target="_blank" href="/place?placename=Rome&groupId=935&placeId=1669">Rome</a> and the Aetolians, though the latter continued to invoke the terms of this treaty (cf. xviii. 58. 7 n., 47. 8, 48. 7). The terms of the treaty are summarized by Livy, xxvi. 24. 8–14; and a part of the text was recovered in 1949 on an inscription from Thyrrheum in <a class="linkToPlace" target="_blank" href="/place?placename=Acarnania&groupId=270&placeId=527">Acarnania</a> (Klaffenbach S.-B. Berlin, 1954, no. 1; IG, ix. <emph rend="superscript">2</emph> 1. 241; SEG, xiii. 382 (with revised text); cf. A. H. McDonald, JRS, 1956, 153–7; E. Manni, La parola del passato, 1956, 187 n. 6; R. Stiehl, Wissensch. Zeitschr. Leipzig, 1955/6, 289–94; Stier, 26–9; E. Badian, Latomus, 1958, 197–211; R. G. Hopital, Revue historique de droit franais et tranger, 1964, 18–48, 204–46). This treaty was followed by a series of operations recorded in Livy xxvi. 24. 15–26. 3 (Laevinus' seizure of Zacynthus, <a class="linkToPlace" target="_blank" href="/place?placename=Oeniadae&groupId=803&placeId=1451">Oeniadae</a>, and Nasus, Philip's expedition against <a class="linkToPlace" target="_blank" href="/place?placename=Illyria&groupId=647&placeId=1186">Illyria</a> and return to <a class="linkToPlace" target="_blank" href="/place?placename=Tempe&groupId=1015&placeId=1786">Tempe</a>, the Aetolian raid on <a class="linkToPlace" target="_blank" href="/place?placename=Acarnania&groupId=270&placeId=527">Acarnania</a> under Scopas, Philip's Thracian expedition and return to <a class="linkToPlace" target="_blank" href="/place?placename=Dium&groupId=542&placeId=1019">Dium</a>, Laevinus' seizure of Anticyra), which will have taken place in the late autumn and winter of 211 (above, pp. 11–13). The raid on <a class="linkToPlace" target="_blank" href="/place?placename=Acarnania&groupId=270&placeId=527">Acarnania</a> is mentioned in 40. 4–6, a passage which should therefore precede 28–39 (above, p. 13). The Aetolo-Roman treaty provided 'ut si placeret uellentque, eodem iure amicitiae Elei Lacedaemoniique et Attalus et Pleuratus et Scerdilaedus essent'; either <a class="linkToPlace" target="_blank" href="/place?placename=Messenia&groupId=760&placeId=1380">Messenia</a> is omitted accidentally (Holleaux, 211 n. 1) or she did not enter <milestone unit="page" n="162">[162]</milestone> into an alliance with Aetolia until after the Aetolo-Roman treaty (Seeliger, 16; Roebuck, 84 n. 88 is undecided). Of these explanations the former is the more convincing; see 30. 6 n. In late spring 210 (cf. p. 13) an approach was made to <a class="linkToPlace" target="_blank" href="/place?placename=Elis&groupId=560&placeId=1048">Elis</a>, <a class="linkToPlace" target="_blank" href="/place?placename=Messenia&groupId=760&placeId=1380">Messenia</a>, and <a class="linkToPlace" target="_blank" href="/place?placename=Sparta&groupId=660&placeId=1208">Sparta</a>. 28–39 records the speeches delivered before the Spartan ecclesia (cf. 32. 1 n.) by the Aetolian Chlaeneas and the Acarnanian Lyciscus. The genuineness of these two speeches, <w lang="el-GR">πρεσβευτικοὶ λόγοι</w> (xii. 25 a 3), has been much debated. P. claims that his speeches represent what was really said (Vol. I, pp. 13–14), but he was to some extent at the mercy of his available sources. The material of the present pair of speeches may come from a literary source, and their comparative lengths are significant for P.'s sympathies. But the two sides are set out with careful objectivity, and the hostility towards <a class="linkToPlace" target="_blank" href="/place?placename=Rome&groupId=935&placeId=1669">Rome</a> in Lyciscus' speech (37. 4–39) probably reflects fairly Greek attitudes of that time; cf. Schmitt, Hellenen, 3–11. The fact that some of Lyciscus' points were anticipated in the reply given at <a class="linkToPlace" target="_blank" href="/place?placename=Sparta&groupId=660&placeId=1208">Sparta</a> to the Aetolian Machatas (iv. 34. 9; cf. Pdech, REG, 1958, 440) is not an argument against the genuineness of his speech. The speeches are to be regarded as based on a genuine record, perhaps by way of a literary source; their epideictic character is characteristic of this kind of speech. See Niese, ii. 482 n. 3; H. Welzhofer, Jahrb. 1880, 539–44; La Roche, 67; Holleaux, 16–19; Ziegler, RE, 'Polybios (1)', col. 1527 (but see above, Vol. I, p. 14 n. 2); Walbank, JRS, 1963, 8–11; Speeches in Greek Historians (Oxford, 1965), 16 ff. The speeches turn on the issue: is Macedon or <a class="linkToPlace" target="_blank" href="/place?placename=Rome&groupId=935&placeId=1669">Rome</a> the real threat to Greece? The constitutional position at <a class="linkToPlace" target="_blank" href="/place?placename=Sparta&groupId=660&placeId=1208">Sparta</a> at this time is uncertain; but evidently Lycurgus (last mentioned in 217; cf. v. 91. 1) was now dead, since the Roman alliance was made 'cum Pelope, rege Lacedaemoniorum iusto ac legitimo' (Livy, xxxiv. 32. 1–2). The later tyrant Machanidas (cf. x. 41. 2 n.) may be one of the antiMacedonian leaders mentioned in 39. 7. Cf. Ehrenberg, RE, 'Machanidas', col. 142. On the Romano-Aetolian treaty see also S. Calderone, <w lang="el-GR">ΠΣΤΣ</w> Fides (Messina, n.d. [1967?]), 11–32; G. A. Lehmann, Untersuchungen zur historischen Glaubwrdigkeit des Polybios (Mnster-in-Westfalen, 1967), 7–150, 365–71; Schmitt, SV A, iii. no. 536. Dahlheim, 181–207, argues that it was only for the duration of the war; Badian, Flamininus, 48–53, thinks the Aetolians were justified in regarding it as permanent. See also Lehmann, passim and (for discussion of Dahlheim) 386; J. Muylle, AC, 1969, 408–29. Lehmann, 10–50, and Crake, Phoenix, 1969, 216–20, argue for 212 as the date of the treaty, but do not convince me; A. H. McDonald, JRS, 1968, 233, now accepts 211.

Specifics

9.28.2 - 9.28.2

<emph rend="bold"><w lang="el-GR">σύστημα τῶν ἐπὶ Θρᾴκης Ἑλλήνων</w>:</emph> the Chalcidic federation (cf. ii. 41. 15, <w lang="el-GR">τὸ τῶν Ἀχαιῶν σύστημα</w>, iv. 60. 10). It has been widely held that <w lang="el-GR">Χαλκιδῆς</w>, as used by Thucydides (i. 57. 5, 58. 1–2, 62. 3, 65. 2, ii. 29. 6, 58. 1–2, etc.) and by fourth-century documents (e.g. IG, ii <emph rend="superscript">2</emph> . 36 = Tod, 119; Syll. 135 = Tod, 111), is merely the official name for the city of Olynthus (cf. Robinson, RE, 'Olynthus', col. 327; Hampl, Hermes, 1935, 177–96). Gomme argues (Thucydides, i. 203–8) that there is no evidence for a Chalcidian federal state before the fourth century; but his comments on Thuc. iv. 110. 1 and 114. 1 suggest a change of view (Torone a member of a Chalcidian federation). There is quite decisive evidence for the fourth century, including a reference to the <w lang="el-GR">κοινόν</w> in the alliance between Amyntas <milestone unit="page" n="163">[163]</milestone> of Macedon and the Chalcidians in 393 (Tod, 111), to federal magistrates, <w lang="el-GR">ὰ [ἀρ]χὰς τὰ</w>〈<w lang="el-GR">ς</w>〉 <w lang="el-GR">ξυνάς</w>, in the alliance between Philip II and the Chalcidians in 356 (Tod, 158), and the existence of the right of <w lang="el-GR">ἐπιγαμία</w> and <w lang="el-GR">ἔγκτησις</w>between the various cities (Xen. Hell. v. 2. 19, a speech by Cleigenes of Acanthus). It might be argued that some kind of unitary state of Olynthus was created in 432 (Thuc. i. 58), and that the enlargement of Olynthus by <w lang="el-GR">συμπολιτεία</w> in the 380's led to the creation of a confederacy (Xen. loc. cit.); but in that case the impetus came from Olynthus at a time of expansion, which is improbable. Probably, then, the Chalcidian Confederation dates from 432 (Larsen, 42–6). On the Chalcidian Confederation see further, A. B. West, CP, 1914, 24–34; The History of the Chalcidic League (Madison, 1918); AJP, 1937, 157–73; E. Harrison, CQ, 1912, 93–103, 165–78; Busolt–Swoboda, ii. 1501–7; Gaebler, ZN, 1926, 193 ff.; Hampl, loc. cit.; Rh. Mus. 1935, 120–4; Kahrstedt, AJP, 1936, 416–44; M. Gude, A History of Olynthus (Baltimore, 1933); D. M. Robinson, RE, 'Olynthus', cols. 325–30; Excavations at Olynthus, ix, 'The Chalcidic Mint' (Baltimore, 1938), passim; and, for the probable form of government, Larsen, 42–46. <emph rend="bold"><w lang="el-GR">οὓς ἀπῴκισαν Ἀθηναῖοι καὶ Χαλκιδεῖ ς</w>:</emph> for the colonization of Chalcidice, largely by <a class="linkToPlace" target="_blank" href="/place?placename=Chalcis&groupId=457&placeId=853">Chalcis</a>, which founded over thirty settlements, especially Torone and the other cities on Sithonia, see Herod. viii. 127; Thuc. iv. 109. 4; Strabo, x. 447. Other colonizing cities here were <a class="linkToPlace" target="_blank" href="/place?placename=Corinth&groupId=493&placeId=928">Corinth</a> (Potidaea), <a class="linkToPlace" target="_blank" href="/place?placename=Eretria&groupId=576&placeId=1079">Eretria</a> (towns on Pallene), and Andros (Argilus, Stagirus, and Acanthus); but the reference to <a class="linkToPlace" target="_blank" href="/place?placename=Athens&groupId=379&placeId=715">Athens</a> is hard to explain. Early traditions linked <a class="linkToPlace" target="_blank" href="/place?placename=Chalcis&groupId=457&placeId=853">Chalcis</a> with <a class="linkToPlace" target="_blank" href="/place?placename=Athens&groupId=379&placeId=715">Athens</a> and <a class="linkToPlace" target="_blank" href="/place?placename=Attica&groupId=383&placeId=721">Attica</a> (Ps.-Scymnus, 573; Proxenus (FGH, 425 F 2); Strabo, x. 447; Plut. Mor. 296 D; Vell. Pat. i. 4. 1; Libanius on Dem. i. 1, <w lang="el-GR">Ἀ?θηναίων ἄποικος</w>; so P. may have associated <a class="linkToPlace" target="_blank" href="/place?placename=Athens&groupId=379&placeId=715">Athens</a> with the colonization of Chalcidice, as he attributed the foundation of Agrigentum to <a class="linkToPlace" target="_blank" href="/place?placename=Rhodes&groupId=931&placeId=1665">Rhodes</a> (22. 7 n.). See Oberhumner, RE, 'Chalkis (1)', cols. 2079–80. That he is thinking of Peisistratus' foundation of Rhaecelus during his second exile (Arist. Ath. Pol. 15. 2) is a less probable explanation; so too the assumption that P. has simply made a mistake. <emph rend="bold"><w lang="el-GR">ἡ τῶν Ὀλυνθίων πόλις</w>:</emph> Olynthus lay at the head of the Gulf of Torone, about 2miles from the sea, sheltered to the north by the wooded slopes of Mt. Polygyrus; its splendid site is described by Robinson, RE, 'Olynthus', col. 330. A Greco-Macedonian stock occupied the town down to 650, when it fell to Bottiaeans (Herod. viii. 127; Thuc. ii. 99); in 479 Artabazus expelled them and gave the town to Critobulus of Torone and <w lang="el-GR">τὸ Χαλκιδικὸν γένος</w> (Herod. ibid.). In 432 it was strengthened by a synoecism instigated by Perdiccas, and probably now became the chief city in a Chalcidic Confederation (Thuc. i. 58. 2; above, last note but one). In the early fourth century some of the other cities resented its dominant position (Xen. Hell. <milestone unit="page" n="164">[164]</milestone> v. 2. 11, envoys at <a class="linkToPlace" target="_blank" href="/place?placename=Sparta&groupId=660&placeId=1208">Sparta</a> from Acanthus and <a class="linkToPlace" target="_blank" href="/place?placename=Apollonia&groupId=1066&placeId=1873">Apollonia</a>; Diod. xv. 19–23).

9.28.3 - 9.28.3

<emph rend="bold"><w lang="el-GR">ταύτην ἐξανδραποδισάμενος Φίλιππος</w>:</emph> Olynthus was at first favoured by Philip II, who gave it Potidaea and Anthemus (Dem. ii. 7, 14, vi. 20, Diod. xvi. 8. 4); and in 356 he made a treaty with the Chalcidic Confederation (Tod, 158; cf. Diod. xvi. 8. 3). Suspicious of Philip's intentions, the Olynthians approached <a class="linkToPlace" target="_blank" href="/place?placename=Athens&groupId=379&placeId=715">Athens</a> in 353/2 (Dem. viii. 64, ix. 56–57, 63) and Demosthenes conducted a campaign for effective support. In 349 Olynthus declared war on Philip (Dem. i. 5–7), who, despite Athenian help, took it and razed it in August 348 (Dem. ix. 26). Some of the inhabitants were sold into slavery (Diod. xvi. 53. 2–3; Dinarch. i. 26 Blass; Dem. xix. 306), or put to work on the royal domains (Aesch. ii. 156) but many found refuge in various Greek cities such as Potidaea, Miletus and <a class="linkToPlace" target="_blank" href="/place?placename=Athens&groupId=379&placeId=715">Athens</a>, where they were exempt from taxes (Tod, 166 = IG, ii <emph rend="superscript">2</emph> . 211). <emph rend="bold"><w lang="el-GR">Θετταλοὺς . . . διὰ τὸν φόβον</w>:</emph> a simplification. Thessalian cavalry played a large part in Philip's victory over Onomarchus and the Phocians at the Crocus Field in 353 (Diod. xvi. 35), and there was little subsequent resistance to him in <a class="linkToPlace" target="_blank" href="/place?placename=Thessaly&groupId=1028&placeId=1816">Thessaly</a>. He countered irritation at the occupation of Pagasae and <a class="linkToPlace" target="_blank" href="/place?placename=Magnesia&groupId=729&placeId=1336">Magnesia</a> and the loss of harbour dues by promising to restore <a class="linkToPlace" target="_blank" href="/place?placename=Magnesia&groupId=729&placeId=1336">Magnesia</a> (Dem. ii. 7); and members of the Thessalian League were well disposed (Dem. xviii. 43) and ready to risk anything if only <a class="linkToPlace" target="_blank" href="/place?placename=Phocis&groupId=892&placeId=1606">Phocis</a> were crushed and they themselves head of the Amphictyonic Council; cf. Iustin. viii. 4. 5, 'Thessali Boeotiique orant, ut professum se aduersus Phocenses ducem Graeciae exhibeat; tanto odio Phocensium ardentes, ut obliti cladium suarum perire ipsi quam non perdere eos praeoptarent'. After the Phocian defeat in 346, and the settlement which gave them control of the Amphictyonic Council, the Thessalians began to feel Macedonian pressure. In 344 Philip expelled various short-lived tyrannies (Diod. xvi. 69. 8), drove the Aleuadae from <a class="linkToPlace" target="_blank" href="/place?placename=Larissa&groupId=669&placeId=1224">Larissa</a> (Dem. xviii. 48), reduced and garrisoned Pherae and other cities ([Dem.] vii. 32; Dem. viii. 59, ix. 12, xix. 260) and set up a new form of government in <a class="linkToPlace" target="_blank" href="/place?placename=Thessaly&groupId=1028&placeId=1816">Thessaly</a>. Some believe that in 344 he established <w lang="el-GR">δεκαδαρχίαι</w>, boards of ten Macedonian partisans, in the less trustworthy cities (cf. Dem. vi. 22 (dated 344), <w lang="el-GR">τὴν καθεστῶσαν νῦν δεκαδαρχίαν</w>; Harpocrat. S. V. <w lang="el-GR">δεκαδαρχία)</w>, and that his full revision of the constitution occurred in 342 (cf. Schaefer, ii. 346, 430 n. 3; Swoboda, Jahresh. 1903, 208–9; Glotz, BCH, 1909, 542; Westlake, 197–9). Others follow Reiske, who assumed an ancient MS. confusion which expanded <emph rend="italics">D</emph> <w lang="el-GR">αρχίαν</w>, an abbreviation for <w lang="el-GR">τετραρχίαν</w>, into <w lang="el-GR">δεκαδαρχίαν</w> (Beloch, iii. 1. 529 n. 3; Momigliano, Filippo, 141 n. 1). The likelihood is that the decadarchiae represent Philip's first system, and that the tetrarchies belong to 342, when he became archon of <a class="linkToPlace" target="_blank" href="/place?placename=Thessaly&groupId=1028&placeId=1816">Thessaly</a> for life (cf. Iustin. xi. 3. 2, Alexander 'exemplo patris dux <milestone unit="page" n="165">[165]</milestone> uniuersae gentis creatus'; Diod. xvii. 4. 1), thus acquiring control over the revenues and military resources of the koinon (finances: Iustin. xi. 3. 2; Dem. i. 22 (before the fall of Olynthus), vi. 22; forces: Diod. xvi. 14. 2; Dem. viii. 14). He will also have revived the ancient system of tetrarchies under pro-Macedonian tetrarchs of Thessalian birth responsible to the archon (Dem. ix. 26; Theopompus, FGH, 115 F 208). Philip's link with <a class="linkToPlace" target="_blank" href="/place?placename=Thessaly&groupId=1028&placeId=1816">Thessaly</a> was personal, and independent of his position in <a class="linkToPlace" target="_blank" href="/place?placename=Macedonia&groupId=723&placeId=428">Macedonia</a>; he respected the forms of government, so that the federal assembly continued to meet and decide such questions as war and peace (Aesch. Ctes. 161; Dem. xviii. 147). But henceforth it was the semblance of freedom without the reality (cf. iv. 76. 2).

9.28.4 - 9.28.4

<emph rend="bold"><w lang="el-GR">μάχῃ νικήσας τοὺς Ἀθηναίους</w>:</emph> at <a class="linkToPlace" target="_blank" href="/place?placename=Chaeronea&groupId=455&placeId=849">Chaeronea</a>, where he defeated <a class="linkToPlace" target="_blank" href="/place?placename=Athens&groupId=379&placeId=715">Athens</a> and Thebes on 7 Metageitnion (1 Sept.) 338 (Diod. xvi. 85 f.; Iustin. ix. 3. 9; Polyaen. iv. 2. 2, 2. 7; Frontin. ii. 1. 9; Plut. Alex. 9. 2); see Kromayer, AS, i. 158 ff.; Wien. Stud. 1905, 16–23; N. G. L. Hammond, Klio, 1938, 186 ff.; E. Braun, Jahresh. 1948, 81–89. It is perhaps odd that Chlaeneas betrays no embarrassment at, and Lyciscus makes no attempt to exploit, the fact that at the time of <a class="linkToPlace" target="_blank" href="/place?placename=Chaeronea&groupId=455&placeId=849">Chaeronea</a> Aetolia was Philip II's ally and through him obtained from <a class="linkToPlace" target="_blank" href="/place?placename=Achaea&groupId=272&placeId=533">Achaea</a>, and subsequently kept, Naupactus (Dem. ix. 34; Philochorus, FGH, 328 F 56; Theopompus, FGH, 115 F 235; Strabo, ix. 427). <emph rend="bold"><w lang="el-GR">ἐχρήσατο μεγαλοψύχως κτλ</w>.:</emph> cf. v. 10. 1 n., setting out the rival views of Demosthenes and Aeschines. Clearly controversy on Philip's reasons and motives went back to contemporary discussions. In v. 10. 1–5 P. gives his own view: Philip's generosity was genuine, even though it paid dividends (§ 4, <w lang="el-GR">μικρᾷ δαπάνῃ διὰ τὴν ἀγχίνοιαν τὴν μεγίστην πρᾶξιν κατειργάσατο)</w>. See also xviii. 14. 14, xxii. 16. 2.

9.28.6 - 9.28.6

<emph rend="bold"><w lang="el-GR">ἧκε μετὰ τῶν δυνάμεων</w>:</emph> cf. Paus. iii. 24. 6, v. 4. 9, vii. 10. 3, for Philip's invasion of <a class="linkToPlace" target="_blank" href="/place?placename=Laconia&groupId=662&placeId=1211">Laconia</a> in autumn 338. The fifth poem of Isyllus of <a class="linkToPlace" target="_blank" href="/place?placename=Epidaurus&groupId=572&placeId=1070">Epidaurus</a> is a hymn celebrating the Spartan escape (IG, iv. 950 = Powell, Collectanea Alexandrina (Oxford, 1925), 134; Wilamowitz, Isyllos von Epidauros (Berlin, 1886)). On the many legends surrounding this expedition and recording Spartan bravery see Schaefer, iii. 44–46; C. Roebuck, CP, 1948, 86–88. Plutarch's Apophthegmata Graeca suggest that Philip tried for a settlement with <a class="linkToPlace" target="_blank" href="/place?placename=Sparta&groupId=660&placeId=1208">Sparta</a>, and invaded <a class="linkToPlace" target="_blank" href="/place?placename=Laconia&groupId=662&placeId=1211">Laconia</a> only when his demands (for territorial adjustments?) were refused. Wilamowitz (op. cit. 31–35) took the words <w lang="el-GR">ἐ?θέλων ἀνελεῖν βασιληίδα τιμήν</w> (Isyllus' hymn, l. 64) to imply that Philip proposed to abolish the Spartan monarchy; they are not to be interpreted so precisely (cf. Beloch, iii. 1. 574 n. 3; Roebuck, CP, 1948, 88).

9.28.7 - 9.28.7

<emph rend="bold"><w lang="el-GR">ἀποτεμόμενος . . . τὰς πόλεις καὶ τὴν χώραν . . . προσένειμε κτλ</w>.:</emph> cf. ii. 48. 2 n.; ix. 33. 8–12 nn.; xviii. 14. 7 (where P. approves the territorial adjustments). <milestone unit="page" n="166">[166]</milestone>

9.28.8 - 9.28.8

<emph rend="bold"><w lang="el-GR">τίνα τρόπον . . . διέφθειρε</w>:</emph> for Alexander's destruction of Thebes cf. iv. 23. 8 n., v. 10. 6 n., ix. 34. 1.

Addenda & corrigenda

9.28.0 - 9.39.0

on the Romano-Aetolian treaty see also S. Calderone, <w lang="el-GR">ΠΣΤΣ</w> Fides (Messina, n.d. [1967?]), 11–32; G. A. Lehmann, Untersuchungen zur historischen Glaubwrdigkeit des Polybios (Mnster-in-Westfalen, 1967), 7–150, 365–71.

9.28.0 - 9.39.0

on the Roman–Aetolian treaty see Schmitt, SV A, iii. no. 536. Dahlheim, 181–207, argues that it was only for the duration of the war; Badian, Flamininus, 48–53, thinks the Aetolians were justified in regarding it as permanent. See also Lehmann, passim and (for discussion of Dahlheim) 386; J. Muylle, AC, 1969, 408–29. Lehmann, 10–50, and Crake, Phoenix, 1969, 216–20, argue for 212 as the date of the treaty, but do not convince me; A. H. McDonald, JRS, 1968, 233, now accepts 211. On p. 163, l. 20, for 'this epideictic' read 'their epideictic'.

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