Polybius, Histories
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Author: Fergus Millar
Year: 1984
Title: The Political Character of the Classical Roman Republic, 200-151 B.C.
Source type: Journal Article
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Book 26 - Chapter 1a

1
<head lang="la">Olymp. 151. Res Antiochi</head><w lemma="%2Apolu%2Fbios">Πολύβιος</w> <w lemma="d%27">δ᾽</w> <w lemma="e%29n">ἐν</w> <w lemma="th%3D%7C">τῇ</w> <w lemma="e%28%2Fkth%7C">ἕκτῃ</w> <w lemma="kai%5C">καὶ</w> <w lemma="ei%29kosth%3D%7C">εἰκοστῇ</w> <w lemma="tw%3Dn">τῶν</w> <w lemma="%2A%28istoriw%3Dn">Ἱστοριῶν</w> <w lemma="kalei%3D">καλεῖ</w> <w lemma="au%29to%5Cn">αὐτὸν</w> <w lemma="%2A%29epimanh%3D">Ἐπιμανῆ</w> <w lemma="kai%5C">καὶ</w> <w lemma="ou%29k">οὐκ</w> <w lemma="%2A%29epifanh%3D">Ἐπιφανῆ</w> <w lemma="dia%5C">διὰ</w> <w lemma="ta%5Cs">τὰς</w> <w lemma="pra%2Fceis">πράξεις</w>. <w lemma="ou%29">οὐ</w> <w lemma="mo%2Fnon">μόνον</w> <w lemma="ga%5Cr">γὰρ</w> <w lemma="meta%5C">μετὰ</w> <w lemma="dhmotw%3Dn">δημοτῶν</w> <w lemma="a%29nqrw%2Fpwn">ἀνθρώπων</w> <w lemma="kate%2Fbainen">κατέβαινεν</w> <w lemma="ei%29s">εἰς</w> <w lemma="o%28mili%2Fas">ὁμιλίας</w>, <w lemma="a%29lla%5C">ἀλλὰ</w> <w lemma="kai%5C">καὶ</w> <w lemma="meta%5C">μετὰ</w> <w lemma="tw%3Dn">τῶν</w> <w lemma="parepidhmou%2Fntwn">παρεπιδημούντων</w> <w lemma="ce%2Fnwn">ξένων</w> <w lemma="kai%5C">καὶ</w> <w lemma="tw%3Dn">τῶν</w> <w lemma="eu%29telesta%2Ftwn">εὐτελεστάτων</w> <w lemma="sune%2Fpinen">συνέπινεν</w>.
2
<w lemma="ei%29">εἰ</w> <w lemma="de%5C">δὲ</w> <w lemma="kai%5C">καὶ</w> <w lemma="tw%3Dn">τῶν</w> <w lemma="newte%2Frwn">νεωτέρων</w>, <w lemma="fhsi%2Fn">φησίν</w>, <w lemma="ai%29%2Fsqoito">αἴσθοιτο</w> <w lemma="tinas">τινας</w> <w lemma="suneuwxoume%2Fnous">συνευωχουμένους</w> <w lemma="o%28poudh%2Fpote">ὁπουδήποτε</w>, <w lemma="parh%3Dn">παρῆν</w> <w lemma="meta%5C">μετὰ</w> <w lemma="kerati%2Fou">κερατίου</w> <w lemma="kai%5C">καὶ</w> <w lemma="sumfwni%2Fas">συμφωνίας</w>, <w lemma="w%28%2Fste">ὥστε</w> <w lemma="tou%5Cs">τοὺς</w> <w lemma="pollou%5Cs">πολλοὺς</w> <w lemma="dia%5C">διὰ</w> <w lemma="to%5C">τὸ</w> <w lemma="para%2Fdocon">παράδοξον</w> <w lemma="a%29nistame%2Fnous">ἀνισταμένους</w> <w lemma="feu%2Fgein">φεύγειν</w>. <w lemma="polla%2Fkis">πολλάκις</w> <w lemma="de%5C">δὲ</w> <w lemma="kai%5C">καὶ</w> <w lemma="th%5Cn">τὴν</w> <w lemma="basilikh%5Cn">βασιλικὴν</w> <w lemma="e%29sqh%3Dta">ἐσθῆτα</w> <w lemma="a%29pobalw%5Cn">ἀποβαλὼν</w> <w lemma="th%2Fbennan">τήβενναν</w> <w lemma="a%29nalabw%5Cn">ἀναλαβὼν</w> <w lemma="perih%2F%7Cei">περιῄει</w> <w lemma="th%5Cn">τὴν</w> <w lemma="a%29gora%2Fn">ἀγοράν</w>. —
<head>I. Affairs of Antiochus Epiphanes</head>Polybius in his 26th Book calls him Epimanes (the Madman) instead of Epiphanes owing to his conduct. For not only did he condescend to converse with common people, but even with the meanest of the foreigners who visited Antioch.
And whenever he heard that any of the younger men were at an entertainment, no matter where, he would come in with a fife and other music so that most of the guests got up and ran off in astonishment. He would often, moreover, doff his royal robe and pick up a toga and so make the circuit of the market-place.

Walbank Commentary

Overview
26.1.0 - 26.2.0
<p rend="Plain Text">the same account is given in a fuller form in ch. 1; cf. Diod. xxix. 32, which often agrees verbally with Athenaeus, and may preserve P.'s words more closely where they diverge. The city mentioned is Antioch; but what conclusions on its organization this passage warrants is not at all clear. Antiochus stood as candidate for the office of <w lang="el-GR">ἀγορανόμος</w> or <w lang="el-GR">δήμαρχος</w>, and having (naturally) been elected, sat as judge. Bikerman, Institutions, 157–8, assumed that he introduced these posts into the administrative structure of Antioch (whatever that was); but Downey (Antioch, 116–17) believes him to have been playing a game, pretending to be a Roman candidate, and he points to the reaction of respectable men (§ 7). But P. does not say whether they were surprised because he pretended to stand for a non-existent office or because, though a king, he stood for office like anyone else. The fact that he sat (like the Roman emperors) as a judge suggests more than play-acting or crazy nonsense.</p>
Specifics
26.1.1 - 26.1.1
<p rend="Plain Text"> <emph rend="bold"><w lang="el-GR">αὐτόν</w>:</emph> Antiochus IV of <a class="linkToPlace" target="_blank" href="/place?placename=Syria&groupId=995&placeId=502">Syria</a>, younger son of Antiochus III, had been sent to <a class="linkToPlace" target="_blank" href="/place?placename=Rome&groupId=935&placeId=1669">Rome</a> as a hostage after <a class="linkToPlace" target="_blank" href="/place?placename=Apamea&groupId=340&placeId=660">Apamea</a> (xxi. 17. 8 n.) and remained there from 188 to 176/5, when Seleucus IV sent his son Demetrius in exchange (App. Syr. 45). He learnt of the murder of Seleucus by Heliodorus (on 3 Sept. 175; cf. App. Syr. 45; Sachs and Wiseman, Iraq, 1954, 202 ff., rev. ll. 8–9) while at <a class="linkToPlace" target="_blank" href="/place?placename=Athens&groupId=379&placeId=715">Athens</a>, and returned to <a class="linkToPlace" target="_blank" href="/place?placename=Syria&groupId=995&placeId=502">Syria</a> to seize the throne with Pergamene help (App. Syr. 45; OGIS, i. 248; Mrkholm, 41). </p> <p rend="Plain Text">There has been much debate on the relationship to Antiochus IV of a boy-king Antiochus, known from the coinage. Bevan (Seleucus, ii. 126) makes him a son of Seleucus IV (perhaps the 'son of Seleucus' murdered by one Andronicus (Diod. xxx. 7. 2), who may be the same man who murdered Onias, the Jewish high priest (2 Macc. iv. 34–38), and was later executed by Antiochus IV), and suggested that Antiochus associated him with himself on the throne, to consolidate his position. Cuneiform documents of 18 April 174, 7 June 174, and 14 August 173 confirm the existence of a co-regent named Antiochus, whom Aymard (tudes, 240–62) took to be Antiochus IV's own son; but later (tudes, 269–72), when the cuneiform Babylonian king-list (Sachs and Wiseman, Iraq, 1954, 202 ff.) showed the co-regent Antiochus executed by Antiochus IV in July/August 170, he suggested that its author had confused the natural death of Antiochus IV's own son (the co-regent) with the murder of Seleucus IV's son about the same time. But it seems more likely that the king-list called Antiochus IV's nephew his son, either in error (so Zambelli, Riv. fil. 1960, 363–89), or (since the same 'mistake' occurs in the cuneiform document of 14 Aug. 173: A. T. Clay, Babylonian Records in the Library of J. Pierpont Morgan (New York, 1913), ii, no. 38) by a formal usage found elsewhere (cf. W. Hinz, The Lost World of Elam (London, 1972), 134–5; J. G. Bunge, Historia, 1974, 58 n. 3), or because Antiochus IV in fact adopted him (see below).</p> <p rend="Plain Text"> O. Mrkholm, 38–50 (cf. ANSMN, 1964, 63–76), has shown that the coins of the boy-king Antiochus must have been largely issued before the first of Antiochus IV, especially a gold octadrachm showing the jugate heads of the boy-king and a woman who must be his mother, Laodice, which can hardly have been issued once Antiochus IV <milestone unit="page" n="284">[284]</milestone> was in control (Mrkholm, 36). The boy-king was Seleucus IV's son, but evidently as part of a compromise with the opposition party Antiochus IV adopted himuntil he could be removed in 170; his name was Antiochus (cf. Bunge, Historia, 1974, 59). It is perhaps a difficulty that the literary tradition (Joh. Ant. fg. 58 = FHG, iv. 558; Diod. xxx. 7. 2) attributes the murder to Andronicus (see above), who was disowned and later executed (cf. Briscoe, CR, 1968, 84); but this may be the official version, whereas the king-list (its date of compilation is unknown) though official-looking, may have given what were later believed (no doubt rightly) to be the facts. If this explanation is correct, there may have been a longer gap between Seleucus IV's death on 3 Sept. 175 and Antiochus IV's effective accession, than the official date for that would allow (the king-list puts the beginning of the co-regency in October/November, 175 (Sachs-Wiseman, Iraq, 1954, 208)). </p> <p rend="Plain Text">Will, ii. 256–7, has suggested that the exchange of hostages (Demetrius for Antiochus IV), the installing of Antiochus IV at <a class="linkToPlace" target="_blank" href="/place?placename=Athens&groupId=379&placeId=715">Athens</a>, the speed of his intervention in concert with Pergamum the moment Seleucus' murder was announced, and that murder itself, all indicate a carefully prepared plot between <a class="linkToPlace" target="_blank" href="/place?placename=Rome&groupId=935&placeId=1669">Rome</a> and Pergamum, with Heliodorus as perhaps the unconscious agent or dupe. The theory, though beyond proof, is attractive.</p> <p rend="Plain Text"> <emph rend="bold"><w lang="el-GR">Ἐπιμανῆ καὶ οὐκ Ἐπιφανῆ</w>:</emph> cf. 1. 1, where as here the words are those of Athenaeus, though the substance is from P. According to App. Syr. 45, <w lang="el-GR">παρὰ τῶν Σύρων ἐπώνυμον ἦν Ἐπιφανής, ὅτι τῆς ἀρχῆς ἁρπαζομένης ὑπὸ ἀλλοτρίων βασιλεὺς οἰκεῖος ὤφθη</w>; cf. OGIS, 249 (<a class="linkToPlace" target="_blank" href="/place?placename=Delos&groupId=533&placeId=1004">Delos</a>). On this title see Taeger, Charisma, i. 318–19; A. D. Nock, JHS, 1928, 38–41 = Essays, i. 152–6; E. T. Newell, AJN, 1917, 1–151, esp. 23 ff.; Bunge, Historia, 1974, 67–85. It first appears in the form <w lang="el-GR">ΘΕΟΥ ΕΠΙ</w>§<w lang="el-GR">ΦΑΝΟΥΣ</w> on the second series of Antiochus IV's tetradrachms, and Mrkholm (48) dates these to 173/2, and regards their emission as a step differentiating him from his co-regent (see previous note); but Bunge (Historia, 1974, 67 ff.) dates the issue rather earlier and sees it as echoing the cult-title of Ptolemy V and as a reply to the <w lang="el-GR">πρωτοκλίσια</w> of Ptolemy VI (xxviii. 1. 1–9 n.), which he dates to spring 174 (leaving its exact definition undecided). It seems at any rate unlikely that in putting Epiphanes on his coinage Antiochus was initiating a new religious policy (see Mrkholm, 132–3). The titles Epiphanes and Nicephoros appear in only a few mints; outside his own kingdom Epiphanes appears without Theos and means little more than 'illustrious'; and (as Mrkholm, ibid., stresses) Antiochus was personally attracted to the doctrines of Epicurus (see the Herculaneum papyrus no. 1044: Crönert, S.-B. Berlin, 1900. 953, ll. 30–33); but see Bunge, Historia, 1974, 76–83. <milestone unit="page" n="285">[285]</milestone> </p>
26.1.4 - 26.1.4
<p rend="Plain Text"> <emph rend="bold"><w lang="el-GR">μετὰ κερατίου καὶ συμφωνίας</w>:</emph> 'with a fife and musicians'; <w lang="el-GR">κερατίου</w> (Athen. x. 439 A = 1 a 2, and Diod. xxix. 32) must take preference over <w lang="el-GR">κεραμίου</w> (C) or <w lang="el-GR">κεραμείου</w> (A) in Athenaeus here. </p> <p rend="Plain Text"> <emph rend="bold"><w lang="el-GR">τοὺς πολλοὺς . . . ἀφισταμένους φεύγειν</w>:</emph> cf. 1 a 2; but see Diod. xxix. 32, <w lang="el-GR">τῶν ἰδιωτῶν τοὺς μὲν φεύγειν, τοὺς δὲ διὰ τὸν φόβον σιωπᾶν</w>. </p>
26.1.5 - 26.1.5
<p rend="Plain Text"> <emph rend="bold"><w lang="el-GR">ἀρχαιρεσιάζων</w>:</emph> 'like a candidate'; cf. Diod. xxix. 32, <w lang="el-GR">καθάπερ ἦν</w> <emph rend="bold" /> <w lang="el-GR">ἑωρακὼς ἐν Ῥώμῃ τοὺς μεταπορευομένους τὰς ἀρχάς</w>. </p> <p rend="Plain Text"> <emph rend="bold"><w lang="el-GR">ἀγορανόμος . . . δήμαρχος</w>:</emph> both offices are found in Greek cities (cf. Hampl, Gnomon, 1939, 621), but here they seem to imply the introduction at Antioch of an equivalent to the Roman aedileship and tribunate (both in a sense 'popular' offices); cf. 1 a 1–2 n. For Antiochus' imitation of Roman institutions see also Diod. xxix. 32; Livy, xli. 20. 9 (cult of Iuppiter Capitolinus), 20. 11–12 (gladiatorial games); below, xxx. 25. 3 (soldiers in Roman arms). This is variously interpretedto instil Roman public spirit into the citizens of Antioch (Mrkholm, 40) or to win Roman goodwill (Bunge, Historia, 1974, 67). </p>
26.1.6 - 26.1.6
<p rend="Plain Text"> <emph rend="bold"><w lang="el-GR">τὸν ἐλεφάντινον δίφρον</w>:</emph> 'ivory curule chair'; cf. Gell. iii. 18. 3–4; Mommsen, St.-R. i. 399 f. </p> <p rend="Plain Text"> <emph rend="bold"><w lang="el-GR">μετὰ πολλῆς σπουδῆς καὶ προθυμίας</w>:</emph> cf. Diod. xxix. 32, <w lang="el-GR">μετὰ πολλῆς ἐπιστάσεως καὶ φιλοτιμίας</w>. </p>
26.1.7 - 26.1.7
<p rend="Plain Text"> <emph rend="bold"><w lang="el-GR">οἱ μὲν γὰρ ἀφελῆ . . . οἱ δὲ μαινόμενον</w>:</emph> cf. Diod. xxix. 32, <w lang="el-GR">οἱ μὲν γὰρ ἀφέλειαν, οἱ δὲ ἀλογίαν, τινὲς</w> <emph rend="bold" /> <w lang="el-GR">δὲ μαινίαν αὐτοῦ κατεγίνωσκον</w>; Livy, xli. 20. 4, 'quidam ludere eum simpliciter, quidam haud dubie insanire aiebant (inseanebant V)'. </p>
26.1.8 - 26.1.8
<p rend="Plain Text"> <emph rend="bold"><w lang="el-GR">ἀστραγάλους δορκαδείους</w>:</emph> 'knuckle-bones of antelopes', used like dice for gaming; cf. Livy, xli. 20. 3, 'quibusdam honoratis magnoque aestimantibus se puerilia, ut escae aut lusus, munera dare, alios nihil expectantes ditare.' Immediately before this Livy has: 'non adloqui amicos, uix notis familiariter arridere, munificentia <milestone unit="page" n="286">[286]</milestone> inaequali sese aliosque ludificari.' Whether Livy or Athenaeus has reversed the order in P. is uncertain, but Livy's seems more logical, and <w lang="el-GR">δωρεὰς ἀπροσδοκήτους</w>sec; 9) is here illustrated by § 8, which suggests that Livy gives the original order. </p>
26.1.10 - 26.1.10
<p rend="Plain Text"> <emph rend="bold"><w lang="el-GR">ταῖς πρὸς τὰς πόλεις θυσί?αις . . . ταῖς πρὸς τοὺς θεοὺ?ς τιμαῖς</w> :</emph> cf. Livy, xli. 20. 5, 'in duabus tamen magnis honestisque rebus uere regius erat animus, in urbium donis et deorum cultu.' Since Livy then gives examples of Antiochus' munificence towards various cities, which are not sacrifices, Athenaeus' <w lang="el-GR">θυσίαις</w> is suspect: <w lang="el-GR">εὐνοίαις</w> or <w lang="el-GR">εὐεργεσίαις</w> is an obvious correction (on the concept see Welwei, 162–71, with other examples). Livy mentions his contribution of most of the cost of a city wall round <a class="linkToPlace" target="_blank" href="/place?placename=Megalopolis&groupId=745&placeId=1360">Megalopolis</a>, a marble theatre at <a class="linkToPlace" target="_blank" href="/place?placename=Tegea&groupId=1011&placeId=1780">Tegea</a>, gold vessels for the prytaneum at Cyzicus, and many lesser gifts to <a class="linkToPlace" target="_blank" href="/place?placename=Rhodes&groupId=931&placeId=1665">Rhodes</a>. For a full discussion of Antiochus' munificence towards the Greek cities see Mrkholm, 55–63: examples, other than those mentioned above, are Miletus, <a class="linkToPlace" target="_blank" href="/place?placename=Ilium&groupId=645&placeId=1183">Ilium</a> (?), <a class="linkToPlace" target="_blank" href="/place?placename=Byzantium&groupId=415&placeId=767">Byzantium</a>, Calchedon, <a class="linkToPlace" target="_blank" href="/place?placename=Athens&groupId=379&placeId=715">Athens</a>, <a class="linkToPlace" target="_blank" href="/place?placename=Olympia&groupId=809&placeId=1462">Olympia</a>, and <a class="linkToPlace" target="_blank" href="/place?placename=Achaea&groupId=272&placeId=533">Achaea</a> (cf. xxix. 24. 13). See especially Syll. 644/5 honouring Eudemus of Seleuceia, one of his ministers. See too Bunge, Historia, 1974, 66–67. Within his own kingdom Antiochus added a quarter, Epiphania, to his capital, Antioch (Strabo, xvi. 2. 4, C. 750; Malalas, Chron. (Bonn ed.), 205; Downey, Antioch, 99–100; Mrkholm, 115–34). </p> <p rend="Plain Text">At the festival held at Daphne (xxx. 25. 13–14) Antiochus honoured several deities, especially Apollo; for the festival coinage see xxx. 25. 1 n. Despite Amm. Marc. xxii. 13. 1, the temple of Apollo at Daphne is earlier than Antiochus (cf. Lacroix, BCH, 1949, 165 f.; Downey, Antioch, 595 f.), but he perhaps repaired and restored it (Mrkholm, 119–20). He confirmed gifts of former kings to the Babylonian temples (cf. C. F. Lehmann, Z A, 1892, 330); and one tradition mentions a sacred marriage to Atargatis (probably of Hierapolis-Bambyce)though as a trick to get possession of the temple's treasuries (Gran. Licin. 5. 3 Flemisch). For Olympian Zeus see the next note.</p>
26.1.11 - 26.1.11
<p rend="Plain Text"> <emph rend="bold"><w lang="el-GR">τοῦ παρ</w>f <w lang="el-GR">Ἀθηναίοις Ὀλυμπιείου</w>:</emph> cf. Livy, xli. 20. 8, 'magnificentiae uero in deos uel Iouis Olympii templum Athenis, unum in terris incohatum pro magnitudine dei potest 〈testis〉 esse'; Strabo, ix. 1. 17, C. 396. This temple in south-east <a class="linkToPlace" target="_blank" href="/place?placename=Athens&groupId=379&placeId=715">Athens</a> was begun under Peisistratus, but not finished until Hadrian. Antiochus used a Roman architect Cossutius on the project (Vitruv. vii praef. 15, 17; cf. E. Rawson, BSR, 1975, 36–38), a name twice found scratched on a secondcentury water-conduit at Antioch in the new quarter of Epiphania (cf. R. Stillwell, ed., Antioch-on-the-Orontes, 2. The excavations (Princeton, 1938), 160–1, no. 90 = IGLS, no. 825; cf. W. A. Campbell, A J A, 1938, 205–6)hardly by Cossutius himself. Antiochus showed a special, but not exclusive, interest in Olympian Zeus (which <milestone unit="page" n="287">[287]</milestone> Bunge, Historia, 1974, 76–83, interprets, not wholly convincingly, as a political gesture against Seleucus IV's legitimate heirs). The temple at <a class="linkToPlace" target="_blank" href="/place?placename=Jerusalem&groupId=51&placeId=242">Jerusalem</a> was dedicated to that god (2 Macc. vi. 2–7; Porphyry, FGH, 260 F 51), and he presented a curtain of Syrian workmanship to the temple of Zeus at <a class="linkToPlace" target="_blank" href="/place?placename=Olympia&groupId=809&placeId=1462">Olympia</a> (Paus. v. 12. 4, associating it with the gift of a golden aegis with Medusa's head to <a class="linkToPlace" target="_blank" href="/place?placename=Athens&groupId=379&placeId=715">Athens</a>; this was set on the south wall of the acropolis above the theatre of Dionysus (Paus. i. 21. 3) and commemorated on a coinseries from Antioch; cf. Mrkholm, Hist. Filos. Medd. <a class="linkToPlace" target="_blank" href="/place?placename=Dan&groupId=122&placeId=359">Dan</a>. Vid. Selsk. 40 no. 3 (1963), 23 f.). But the temples of Olympian Zeus at Dura-Europus, Gerasa, and <a class="linkToPlace" target="_blank" href="/place?placename=Scythopolis&groupId=959&placeId=280">Scythopolis</a> in <a class="linkToPlace" target="_blank" href="/place?placename=Samaria&groupId=941&placeId=81">Samaria</a> cannot be firmly attributed to Antiochus IV (Mrkholm, 122, against F. E. Brown, A J A, 1941, 94; C. H. Kraeling, Gerasa, city of the Decapolis (New Haven, 1938), 30 f.); nor do the coins depicting that god identify him with Antiochus (against Bevan, JHS, 1900, 26–30; Cerfaux and Tondriau, 241–5; see Mrkholm, Hist. Filos. Medd. <a class="linkToPlace" target="_blank" href="/place?placename=Dan&groupId=122&placeId=359">Dan</a>. Vid. Selsk. 40 no. 3 (1963), 59–61; Bunge, Historia, 1974, 79–80). The temple of Iuppiter Capitolinus at Antioch (Livy, xli. 20. 9) is of course quite distinct from any temple to Olympian Zeus. </p> <p rend="Plain Text"> <emph rend="bold"><w lang="el-GR">τῶν περὶ τὸν ἐν Δήλῳ βωμὸν ἀνδριάντων</w>:</emph> cf. Livy, xli. 20. 9, 'sed et Delum aris insignibus statuarumque copia exornauit.' These have not been found; but see OGIS, 249–50, for two statues of Antiochus erected as dedications to Apollo by Athenian citizens. According to Livy, xli. 20. 9–13, P.'s text here mentioned the dedication of a temple to Iuppiter Capitolinus (see previous note), his elaborate displays and performances, and his introduction of gladiatorial games, which became so popular that 'armorum studium plerisque iuuenum accendit'; the sole manuscript of Livy has a lacuna after § 13. </p>
26.1.12 - 26.1.14
<p rend="Plain Text"> <emph rend="bold"><w lang="el-GR">ἐλούετο κτλ</w>.:</emph> this anecdote was also related independently by Ptolemy VIII in his Memoirs (FGH, 234 F 3 = Athen. x. 438). </p>
26.1.13 - 26.1.13
<p rend="Plain Text"> <emph rend="bold"><w lang="el-GR">τῆς στακτῆς καλουμένης</w>:</emph> cf. xiii. 9. 5 n. In Athenaeus the present extract is followed by the account of the procession at Daphne (cf. xxx. 25. 1–26. 9). </p> <p rend="Plain Text">Contents of Book xxvi</p> <p rend="Plain Text"> 1. Ol. 151, 1 = 176/5: the above 'fragments' are from res Asiae of this year. The preceding res Italiae and res Macedoniae can be partly reconstructed from Livy and Orosius. Livy, xli. 19. 4–6 (based on P.) reports the return to <a class="linkToPlace" target="_blank" href="/place?placename=Rome&groupId=935&placeId=1669">Rome</a> of the legati whose sending was described in xxv. 6. 5–6, and the reception of envoys from Perseus disclaiming responsibility for the Bastarnian movement; this is from res Italiae. Livy, xli. 19. 7–11 (also from P.) describes the Dardanian attack on the Bastarnians in winter (probably 176/5), and <milestone unit="page" n="288">[288]</milestone> their defeat, and the success of another group in seizing the Bastarnian camp; Livy here has a lacuna, but Orosius, iv. 20. 34–35, recounts the destruction of the Bastarnians crossing the <a class="linkToPlace" target="_blank" href="/place?placename=Danube&groupId=654&placeId=1195">Danube</a> (all from res Macedoniae). </p> <p rend="Plain Text">2. Ol. 151, 2 = 175/4: the res Graeciae can be partly reconstructed from Livy, xli. 22. 4–25. 7, which describes (i) Perseus' journey to <a class="linkToPlace" target="_blank" href="/place?placename=Delphi&groupId=534&placeId=363">Delphi</a> (cf. xxii. 18. 4 n.); (ii) a debate in <a class="linkToPlace" target="_blank" href="/place?placename=Achaea&groupId=272&placeId=533">Achaea</a> when Callicrates opposed and Archon supported the cancellation of the decree forbidding Macedonians to enter Achaean territory, the deferment of the question, and a fresh meeting at <a class="linkToPlace" target="_blank" href="/place?placename=Megalopolis&groupId=745&placeId=1360">Megalopolis</a>; (iii) civil war and massacre in Aetolia; (iv) civil war in <a class="linkToPlace" target="_blank" href="/place?placename=Crete&groupId=505&placeId=949">Crete</a>. Livy xli. 25. 8 (from P.) describes the Rhodian attack on the Lycians, but breaks off with the remark that 'externorum inter se bella, quo quaeque modo gesta sint, persequi non operae est satis superque oneris sustinenti res a populo Romano gestas scribere.' This represents res Asiae.</p> <p rend="Plain Text">3. Ol. 151, 3 = 174/3: Livy, xlii. 5. 1–6. 3 (from P.; cf. Nissen, KU, 243–4) describes (i) Perseus' popularity in Greece relative to Eumenes a popularity hard (i.e. for P.) to understand; (ii) civil broils, arising from debt, in <a class="linkToPlace" target="_blank" href="/place?placename=Thessaly&groupId=1028&placeId=1816">Thessaly</a> and <a class="linkToPlace" target="_blank" href="/place?placename=Perrhaebia&groupId=870&placeId=1569">Perrhaebia</a>, and Ap. Claudius' settlement; (iii) M. Marcellus' activity at <a class="linkToPlace" target="_blank" href="/place?placename=Delphi&groupId=534&placeId=363">Delphi</a> and in settling Aetolian troubles; (iv) his presence at Aegium. This is from the res Graeciae of this year. The reference to Eumenes' arrival in <a class="linkToPlace" target="_blank" href="/place?placename=Rome&groupId=935&placeId=1669">Rome</a> (Livy, xlii. 6. 4) seems an anticipation of an event of the next olympiad year (cf. Livy, xlii. 11. 1).</p> <p rend="Plain Text">4. Ol. 151, 4 = 173/2: P. here approaches the outbreak of the Third Macedonian War. Res Italiae are represented by Livy, xlii. 11. 4– 14. 1 (Eumenes' speech against Perseus before the Senate), 14. 2–4 (hearing of Harpalus, Perseus' envoy), 14. 5–9 (speech of Rhodian envoy against Eumenes), 14. 10 (favourable treatment and dispatch home of Eumenes: for Harpalus' reception and Eumenes' departure cf. Diod. xxix. 34, who however states that Harpalus was silent; App. Mac. 11. 1–3).</p> <p rend="Plain Text"> Livy, xlii. 17. 1–9 gives an account, from P., of the arrival at <a class="linkToPlace" target="_blank" href="/place?placename=Rome&groupId=935&placeId=1669">Rome</a> of C. Valerius along with Praxo and L. Rammius of <a class="linkToPlace" target="_blank" href="/place?placename=Brundisium&groupId=411&placeId=762">Brundisium</a>, who accused Perseus of trying to suborn him to poison his Roman guests. This, along with Livy, xlii. 18. 1–5, is assigned by Nissen, KU, 335, to this olympiad year (151, 4 = 173/2); but Livy xlii. 18. 1–5 (or at least 2–5) is not from P. (cf. Walbank, JRS, 1941, 82–86), and Livy, xlii. 17. 1–9, since it must belong to res Italiae, can only be from those of Ol. 152, 1 = 172/1. <milestone unit="page" n="289">[289]</milestone> </p>

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