Polybius, Histories

Translation

Book 2 - Chapter 69

<w lemma="%2A%28%2Fama">Ἅμα</w> <w lemma="de%5C">δὲ</w> <w lemma="tou%2Ftois">τούτοις</w> <w lemma="o%28">ὁ</w> <w lemma="peri%5C">περὶ</w> <w lemma="tou%5Cs">τοὺς</w> <w lemma="i%28ppei%3Ds">ἱππεῖς</w> <w lemma="sunetelei%3Dto">συνετελεῖτο</w> <w lemma="ki%2Fndunos">κίνδυνος</w>, <w lemma="e%29kpreph%3D">ἐκπρεπῆ</w> <w lemma="poioume%2Fnwn">ποιουμένων</w> <w lemma="th%5Cn">τὴν</w> <w lemma="xrei%2Fan">χρείαν</w> <w lemma="tw%3Dn">τῶν</w> <w lemma="%2A%29axai+kw%3Dn">Ἀχαϊκῶν</w> <w lemma="i%28ppe%2Fwn">ἱππέων</w> <w lemma="a%28pa%2Fntwn">ἁπάντων</w>, <w lemma="ma%2Flista">μάλιστα</w> <w lemma="de%5C">δὲ</w> <w lemma="%2Afilopoi%2Fmenos">Φιλοποίμενος</w>, <w lemma="dia%5C">διὰ</w> <w lemma="to%5C">τὸ</w> <w lemma="peri%5C">περὶ</w> <w lemma="th%3Ds">τῆς</w> <w lemma="au%29tw%3Dn">αὐτῶν</w> <w lemma="e%29leuqeri%2Fas">ἐλευθερίας</w> <w lemma="sunesta%2Fnai">συνεστάναι</w> <w lemma="to%5Cn">τὸν</w> <w lemma="o%28%2Flon">ὅλον</w> <w lemma="a%29gw%3Dna">ἀγῶνα</w>.

<w lemma="kaq%27">καθ᾽</w> <w lemma="o%28%5Cn">ὃν</w> <w lemma="kairo%5Cn">καιρὸν</w> <w lemma="tw%3D%7C">τῷ</w> <w lemma="proeirhme%2Fnw%7C">προειρημένῳ</w> <w lemma="sune%2Fbh">συνέβη</w> <w lemma="to%5Cn">τὸν</w> <w lemma="me%5Cn">μὲν</w> <w lemma="i%28%2Fppon">ἵππον</w> <w lemma="pesei%3Dn">πεσεῖν</w> <w lemma="plhge%2Fnta">πληγέντα</w> <w lemma="kairi%2Fws">καιρίως</w>, <w lemma="au%29to%5Cn">αὐτὸν</w> <w lemma="de%5C">δὲ</w> <w lemma="pezomaxou%3Dnta">πεζομαχοῦντα</w> <w lemma="peripesei%3Dn">περιπεσεῖν</w> <w lemma="trau%2Fmati">τραύματι</w> <w lemma="biai%2Fw%7C">βιαίῳ</w> <w lemma="di%27">δι᾽</w> <w lemma="a%29mfoi%3Dn">ἀμφοῖν</w> <w lemma="toi%3Dn">τοῖν</w> <w lemma="mhroi%3Dn">μηροῖν</w>.

<w lemma="oi%28">οἱ</w> <w lemma="de%5C">δὲ</w> <w lemma="basilei%3Ds">βασιλεῖς</w> <w lemma="kata%5C">κατὰ</w> <w lemma="to%5Cn">τὸν</w> <w lemma="%2A%29%2Folumpon">Ὄλυμπον</w> <w lemma="to%5C">τὸ</w> <w lemma="me%5Cn">μὲν</w> <w lemma="prw%3Dton">πρῶτον</w> <w lemma="e%29poiou%3Dnto">ἐποιοῦντο</w> <w lemma="dia%5C">διὰ</w> <w lemma="tw%3Dn">τῶν</w> <w lemma="eu%29zw%2Fnwn">εὐζώνων</w> <w lemma="kai%5C">καὶ</w> <w lemma="misqofo%2Frwn">μισθοφόρων</w> <w lemma="th%5Cn">τὴν</w> <w lemma="sumplokh%2Fn">συμπλοκήν</w>, <w lemma="par%27">παρ᾽</w> <w lemma="e%28kate%2Frois">ἑκατέροις</w> <w lemma="sxedo%5Cn">σχεδὸν</w> <w lemma="u%28parxo%2Fntwn">ὑπαρχόντων</w> <w lemma="tou%2Ftwn">τούτων</w> <w lemma="ei%29s">εἰς</w> <w lemma="pentakisxili%2Fous">πεντακισχιλίους</w>.

<w lemma="w%28%3Dn">ὧν</w> <w lemma="pote%5C">ποτὲ</w> <w lemma="me%5Cn">μὲν</w> <w lemma="kata%5C">κατὰ</w> <w lemma="me%2Frh">μέρη</w>, <w lemma="pote%5C">ποτὲ</w> <w lemma="d%27">δ᾽</w> <w lemma="o%28losxerw%3Ds">ὁλοσχερῶς</w> <w lemma="sumpipto%2Fntwn">συμπιπτόντων</w>, <w lemma="diafe%2Frousan">διαφέρουσαν</w> <w lemma="sune%2Fbaine">συνέβαινε</w> <w lemma="gi%2Fnesqai">γίνεσθαι</w> <w lemma="th%5Cn">τὴν</w> <w lemma="e%29c">ἐξ</w> <w lemma="a%29mfoi%3Dn">ἀμφοῖν</w> <w lemma="xrei%2Fan">χρείαν</w>, <w lemma="o%28mou%3D">ὁμοῦ</w> <w lemma="tw%3Dn">τῶν</w> <w lemma="te">τε</w> <w lemma="basile%2Fwn">βασιλέων</w> <w lemma="kai%5C">καὶ</w> <w lemma="tw%3Dn">τῶν</w> <w lemma="stratope%2Fdwn">στρατοπέδων</w> <w lemma="e%29n">ἐν</w> <w lemma="suno%2Fyei">συνόψει</w> <w lemma="poioume%2Fnwn">ποιουμένων</w> <w lemma="th%5Cn">τὴν</w> <w lemma="ma%2Fxhn">μάχην</w>.

<w lemma="h%28millw%3Dnto">ἡμιλλῶντο</w> <w lemma="de%5C">δὲ</w> <w lemma="pro%5Cs">πρὸς</w> <w lemma="e%28autou%5Cs">ἑαυτοὺς</w> <w lemma="kai%5C">καὶ</w> <w lemma="kat%27">κατ᾽</w> <w lemma="a%29%2Fndra">ἄνδρα</w> <w lemma="kai%5C">καὶ</w> <w lemma="kata%5C">κατὰ</w> <w lemma="ta%2Fgma">τάγμα</w> <w lemma="tai%3Ds">ταῖς</w> <w lemma="eu%29yuxi%2Fais">εὐψυχίαις</w>.

<w lemma="o%28">ὁ</w> <w lemma="de%5C">δὲ</w> <w lemma="%2Akleome%2Fnhs">Κλεομένης</w> <w lemma="o%28rw%3Dn">ὁρῶν</w> <w lemma="tou%5Cs">τοὺς</w> <w lemma="me%5Cn">μὲν</w> <w lemma="peri%5C">περὶ</w> <w lemma="to%5Cn">τὸν</w> <w lemma="a%29delfo%5Cn">ἀδελφὸν</w> <w lemma="pefeugo%2Ftas">πεφευγότας</w>, <w lemma="tou%5Cs">τοὺς</w> <w lemma="d%27">δ᾽</w> <w lemma="e%29n">ἐν</w> <w lemma="toi%3Ds">τοῖς</w> <w lemma="e%29pipe%2Fdois">ἐπιπέδοις</w> <w lemma="i%28ppei%3Ds">ἱππεῖς</w> <w lemma="o%28%2Fson">ὅσον</w> <w lemma="ou%29%2Fpw">οὔπω</w> <w lemma="kli%2Fnontas">κλίνοντας</w>, <w lemma="kataplagh%5Cs">καταπλαγὴς</w> <w lemma="w%29%5Cn">ὢν</w> <w lemma="mh%5C">μὴ</w> <w lemma="pantaxo%2Fqen">πανταχόθεν</w> <w lemma="prosde%2Fchtai">προσδέξηται</w> <w lemma="tou%5Cs">τοὺς</w> <w lemma="polemi%2Fous">πολεμίους</w>, <w lemma="h%29nagka%2Fzeto">ἠναγκάζετο</w> <w lemma="diaspa%3Dn">διασπᾶν</w> <w lemma="ta%5C">τὰ</w> <w lemma="proteixi%2Fsmata">προτειχίσματα</w> <w lemma="kai%5C">καὶ</w> <w lemma="pa%3Dsan">πᾶσαν</w> <w lemma="th%5Cn">τὴν</w> <w lemma="du%2Fnamin">δύναμιν</w> <w lemma="e%29ca%2Fgein">ἐξάγειν</w> <w lemma="metwphdo%5Cn">μετωπηδὸν</w> <w lemma="kata%5C">κατὰ</w> <w lemma="mi%2Fan">μίαν</w> <w lemma="pleura%5Cn">πλευρὰν</w> <w lemma="th%3Ds">τῆς</w> <w lemma="stratopedei%2Fas">στρατοπεδείας</w>.

<w lemma="a%29naklhqe%2Fntwn">ἀνακληθέντων</w> <w lemma="de%5C">δὲ</w> <w lemma="tw%3Dn">τῶν</w> <w lemma="par%27">παρ᾽</w> <w lemma="e%28kate%2Frois">ἑκατέροις</w> <w lemma="eu%29zw%2Fnwn">εὐζώνων</w> <w lemma="e%29k">ἐκ</w> <w lemma="tou%3D">τοῦ</w> <w lemma="metacu%5C">μεταξὺ</w> <w lemma="to%2Fpou">τόπου</w> <w lemma="dia%5C">διὰ</w> <w lemma="th%3Ds">τῆς</w> <w lemma="sa%2Flpiggos">σάλπιγγος</w>, <w lemma="sunalala%2Fcasai">συναλαλάξασαι</w> <w lemma="kai%5C">καὶ</w> <w lemma="katabalou%3Dsai">καταβαλοῦσαι</w> <w lemma="ta%5Cs">τὰς</w> <w lemma="sari%2Fsas">σαρίσας</w> <w lemma="sune%2Fballon">συνέβαλλον</w> <w lemma="ai%28">αἱ</w> <w lemma="fa%2Flagges">φάλαγγες</w> <w lemma="a%29llh%2Flais">ἀλλήλαις</w>.

<w lemma="a%29gw%3Dnos">ἀγῶνος</w> <w lemma="de%5C">δὲ</w> <w lemma="genome%2Fnou">γενομένου</w> <w lemma="krataiou%3D">κραταιοῦ</w>, <w lemma="kai%5C">καὶ</w> <w lemma="pote%5C">ποτὲ</w> <w lemma="me%5Cn">μὲν</w> <w lemma="e%29pi%5C">ἐπὶ</w> <w lemma="po%2Fda">πόδα</w> <w lemma="poioume%2Fnwn">ποιουμένων</w> <w lemma="th%5Cn">τὴν</w> <w lemma="a%29naxw%2Frhsin">ἀναχώρησιν</w> <w lemma="kai%5C">καὶ</w> <w lemma="piezome%2Fnwn">πιεζομένων</w> <w lemma="e%29pi%5C">ἐπὶ</w> <w lemma="polu%5C">πολὺ</w> <w lemma="tw%3Dn">τῶν</w> <w lemma="%2Amakedo%2Fnwn">Μακεδόνων</w> <w lemma="u%28po%5C">ὑπὸ</w> <w lemma="th%3Ds">τῆς</w> <w lemma="tw%3Dn">τῶν</w> <w lemma="%2Alakw%2Fnwn">Λακώνων</w> <w lemma="eu%29yuxi%2Fas">εὐψυχίας</w>, <w lemma="pote%5C">ποτὲ</w> <w lemma="de%5C">δὲ</w> <w lemma="tw%3Dn">τῶν</w> <w lemma="%2Alakedaimoni%2Fwn">Λακεδαιμονίων</w> <w lemma="e%29cwqoume%2Fnwn">ἐξωθουμένων</w> <w lemma="u%28po%5C">ὑπὸ</w> <w lemma="tou%3D">τοῦ</w> <w lemma="ba%2Frous">βάρους</w> <w lemma="th%3Ds">τῆς</w> <w lemma="tw%3Dn">τῶν</w> <w lemma="%2Amakedo%2Fnwn">Μακεδόνων</w> <w lemma="ta%2Fcews">τάξεως</w>,

<w lemma="te%2Flos">τέλος</w> <w lemma="oi%28">οἱ</w> <w lemma="peri%5C">περὶ</w> <w lemma="to%5Cn">τὸν</w> <w lemma="%2A%29anti%2Fgonon">Ἀντίγονον</w> <w lemma="sumfra%2Fcantes">συμφράξαντες</w> <w lemma="ta%5Cs">τὰς</w> <w lemma="sari%2Fsas">σαρίσας</w> <w lemma="kai%5C">καὶ</w> <w lemma="xrhsa%2Fmenoi">χρησάμενοι</w> <w lemma="tw%3D%7C">τῷ</w> <w lemma="th%3Ds">τῆς</w> <w lemma="e%29pallh%2Flou">ἐπαλλήλου</w> <w lemma="fa%2Flaggos">φάλαγγος</w> <w lemma="i%29diw%2Fmati">ἰδιώματι</w>, <w lemma="bi%2Fa%7C">βίᾳ</w> <w lemma="prospeso%2Fntes">προσπεσόντες</w> <w lemma="e%29ce%2Fwsan">ἐξέωσαν</w> <w lemma="e%29k">ἐκ</w> <w lemma="tw%3Dn">τῶν</w> <w lemma="o%29xurwma%2Ftwn">ὀχυρωμάτων</w> <w lemma="tou%5Cs">τοὺς</w> <w lemma="%2Alakedaimoni%2Fous">Λακεδαιμονίους</w>.

<w lemma="to%5C">τὸ</w> <w lemma="me%5Cn">μὲν</w> <w lemma="ou%29%3Dn">οὖν</w> <w lemma="a%29%2Fllo">ἄλλο</w> <w lemma="plh%3Dqos">πλῆθος</w> <w lemma="e%29%2Ffeuge">ἔφευγε</w> <w lemma="protropa%2Fdhn">προτροπάδην</w> <w lemma="foneuo%2Fmenon:">φονευόμενον·</w> <w lemma="o%28">ὁ</w> <w lemma="de%5C">δὲ</w> <w lemma="%2Akleome%2Fnhs">Κλεομένης</w> <w lemma="i%28ppei%3Ds">ἱππεῖς</w> <w lemma="tinas">τινας</w> <w lemma="e%29%2Fxwn">ἔχων</w> <w lemma="peri%5C">περὶ</w> <w lemma="e%28auto%5Cn">ἑαυτὸν</w> <w lemma="a%29pexw%2Frhse">ἀπεχώρησε</w> <w lemma="meta%5C">μετὰ</w> <w lemma="tou%2Ftwn">τούτων</w> <w lemma="a%29sfalw%3Ds">ἀσφαλῶς</w> <w lemma="ei%29s">εἰς</w> <w lemma="th%5Cn">τὴν</w> <w lemma="%2Aspa%2Frthn">Σπάρτην</w>.

<w lemma="e%29pigenome%2Fnhs">ἐπιγενομένης</w> <w lemma="de%5C">δὲ</w> <w lemma="th%3Ds">τῆς</w> <w lemma="nukto%5Cs">νυκτὸς</w> <w lemma="kataba%5Cs">καταβὰς</w> <w lemma="ei%29s">εἰς</w> <w lemma="%2Agu%2Fqion">Γύθιον</w>, <w lemma="h%28toimasme%2Fnwn">ἡτοιμασμένων</w> <w lemma="au%29tw%3D%7C">αὐτῷ</w> <w lemma="tw%3Dn">τῶν</w> <w lemma="pro%5Cs">πρὸς</w> <w lemma="to%5Cn">τὸν</w> <w lemma="plou%3Dn">πλοῦν</w> <w lemma="e%29k">ἐκ</w> <w lemma="plei%2Fonos">πλείονος</w> <w lemma="xro%2Fnou">χρόνου</w> <w lemma="pro%5Cs">πρὸς</w> <w lemma="to%5C">τὸ</w> <w lemma="sumbai%3Dnon">συμβαῖνον</w>, <w lemma="a%29ph%3Dre">ἀπῆρε</w> <w lemma="meta%5C">μετὰ</w> <w lemma="tw%3Dn">τῶν</w> <w lemma="fi%2Flwn">φίλων</w> <w lemma="ei%29s">εἰς</w> <w lemma="%2A%29aleca%2Fndreian">Ἀλεξάνδρειαν</w>.

At this same time the cavalry action was going on, all the Achaean horsemen, and especially Philopoemen, rendering most distinguished service, as the whole struggle was for their liberty.

Philopoemen's horse fell mortally wounded, and he, fighting on foot, received a serious wound through both thighs.

Meanwhile the two kings at Olympus opened the battle with their light-armed troops and mercenaries, of which each had about five thousand.

These, now attacking each other in detachments and now along the whole line, exhibited the greatest gallantry on both sides, all the more so as they were fighting under the eyes of the kings and the armies.

Man therefore vied with man and regiment with regiment in a display of courage.

Cleomenes, seeing his brother's troops in flight and the cavalry on the level ground on the point of giving way, was afraid of being charged from all sides and was compelled to pull down part of his defences and to lead out his whole force in line from one side of the camp.

Each side now recalled by bugle their light-armed troops from the space between them, and shouting their war-cry and lowering their lances, the two phalanxes met.

A stubborn struggle followed. At one time the Macedonians gradually fell back facing the enemy, giving way for a long distance before the courage of the Lacedaemonians, at another the latter were pushed from their ground by the weight of the Macedonian phalanx,

until, on Antigonus ordering the Macedonians to close up in the peculiar formation of the double phalanx with its serried line of pikes, they delivered a charge which finally forced the Lacedaemonians from their stronghold.

The whole Spartan army now fled in rout, followed and cut down by the enemy; but Cleomenes with a few horsemen reached <a class="linkToPlace" target="_blank" href="/place?placename=Sparta&groupId=660&placeId=1208">Sparta</a> in safety.

At nightfall he went down to Gythion, where all had been prepared some time previously for the voyage in view of contingencies, and set sail with his friends for <a class="linkToPlace" target="_blank" href="/place?placename=Alexandria&groupId=1063&placeId=1868">Alexandria</a>.

Walbank Commentary

Overview

2.36.0 - 2.70.0

Events in Greece: rise of the Achaean League; theCleomenean War P. closes his <w lang="el-GR">προκατασκευή</w> with this survey of the earlier history of Macedon and <a class="linkToPlace" target="_blank" href="/place?placename=Achaea&groupId=272&placeId=533">Achaea</a>. He is clearly influenced by his own interests as an Achaean statesman, and his reason for not dealing similarly with events in Asia and <a class="linkToPlace" target="_blank" href="/place?placename=Egypt&groupId=556&placeId=368">Egypt</a> (37. 6) is not wholly convincing. Nevertheless, his decision can be justified. Under Philip V Macedon played a prominent part in the rise of <a class="linkToPlace" target="_blank" href="/place?placename=Rome&groupId=935&placeId=1669">Rome</a> to world dominion; and to an Achaean the growth of the League to embrace the whole <a class="linkToPlace" target="_blank" href="/place?placename=Peloponnese&groupId=861&placeId=1552">Peloponnese</a> no doubt seemed an integral part of the story of the unification of the oecumene. Laqueur (10–11) and Gelzer (Hermes, 1940, 27–37) have argued that P. inserted the Achaean <w lang="el-GR">προκατασκευή</w> in his history only towards the end of his life, and after 146. Two passages (iii. 32. 2–3, xxxix. 8. 4–5) speak of the recording of western events from the First Punic War, but of Greek events only from the end of Aratus' Memoirs, i.e. 220; and Gelzer assumes that when P. wrote these the second half of book ii was not envisaged. Such passages as i. 13. 1–5 and iv. 1. 4–9 will also, he suggests, be later insertions; and the obvious difficulty created by references in these chapters to the Achaean League as still existent (38. 4, 42. 2 ff., 62. 4), which clearly date to before 146, he surmounts by the hypothesis of an earlier work composed to further the propaganda conducted for the return of the exiles after 166, and later incorporated in the main history. However, this thesis fails to account for 37. 8 ff., which forms an essential part of the introductory chapters, and must therefore, on Gelzer's hypothesis, have been written when the earlier work was grafted upon the main history, yet clearly implies the continued existence of the League. It is therefore to be rejected. M. Treu (Historia, 1954/5, 219–28) has valid criticism of Gelzer's hypothesis; but his own argument attributing this part of P.'s work to an excursus in his Life of Philopoemen is equally unconvincing. Granted P.'s Achaean upbringing, there is nothing in ii. 37–70 which does not spring naturally from his original scheme; and indeed the chapters have more relevance if composed before than after 146, when the contribution made by the League to oecumenical unity must have been much less apparent. On the use of the synoptic <milestone unit="page" n="215">[215]</milestone> method in these chapters see Lorenz, 31; but the argument of Sieg- fried (102 ff.) that P. regards the union of the <a class="linkToPlace" target="_blank" href="/place?placename=Peloponnese&groupId=861&placeId=1552">Peloponnese</a> under <a class="linkToPlace" target="_blank" href="/place?placename=Achaea&groupId=272&placeId=533">Achaea</a> as the realization of A Stoic ideal (ein verkleinertes Abbild der stoischen Kosmopolis) is unconvincing. On the Achaean <w lang="el-GR">προκατασκευή</w> Gelzer, Kl. Schr. iii. 206, now believes with Ziegler (RE, 'Polybios', col. 1476) that in 168 the Achaica was more or less complete; he suggests that P.'s work on the Philopoemen led him to conceive the idea of continuing Aratus. See now xxxix. 8. 1–8 n., arguing that Gelzer's hypothesis that the Achaean section of book ii was composed before 168 but not included in the Histories until very late, indeed after the composition of the epilogue, is to be accepted as the most reasonable solution of the problems raised here and by iii. 32. 2.

2.69.70 - 2.69.70

Antigonus in <a class="linkToPlace" target="_blank" href="/place?placename=Sparta&groupId=660&placeId=1208">Sparta</a>; Illyrian invasion of Macedon. A comparison of this chapter with Plutarch (Cleom. 27 and 30), who has many resemblances but is in some respects fuller, suggests that both go back to Phylarchus (Susemihl, i. 632 n. 560); see especially § 6 n. This hypothesis is not ruled out by the favourable treatment of Antigonus, which can well come from P. himself. See Kromayer, AS, i. 269 n. 1; Valeton, 166. <milestone unit="page" n="287">[287]</milestone>

2.69.2 - 2.69.3

The action of Tyche. P.'s comment here seems to be taken from Phylarchus (cf. 66. 4 n.); Plut. Cleom. 27. 6, <w lang="el-GR">ἡ τὰ μέγιστα τῶν πραγμάτων κρίνουσα τῷ παρὰ μικρὸν τύχη</w>, 'Fortune, who decides the most important matters by a narrow margin'. Hence Wunderer (Phil., 1894, 62) proposes to emend P.'s <w lang="el-GR">παρὰ λόγον</w> to <w lang="el-GR">παρ᾿ ὀλίγον</w>, a convincing emendation (cf. Siegfried, 73 n. 140) which makes a better point here, since Doson's victory is not irrational (like the novel behaviour of Tyche in letting the Macedonians rise to dominion <w lang="el-GR">παρὰ τὸν λογισμόν</w>, xxix. 21. 5, quoting Demetrius of Phalerum), but merely won by a small margin, as Plutarch correctly has it. The less satisfactory explanation is that P. has missed Phylarchus' point in hasty copying. In fact, Cleomenes' cause was lost, whatever delays he had engineered, since his bid for hegemony had rested on Egyptian subsidies, which had now ceased (63. 1–2).

2.69.71 - 2.69.71

Conclusion to the <w lang="el-GR">Προκατασκευή</w> (books i–ii)

Specifics

2.69.1 - 2.69.1

<emph rend="bold"><w lang="el-GR">περὶ τῆς αὐτῶν ἐλευθερίας</w>:</emph> the Achaean slogan (42. 6). In fact, Achaean 'freedom' meant recognizing the hegemony of Doson, just as elsewhere the freedom of the <a class="linkToPlace" target="_blank" href="/place?placename=Peloponnese&groupId=861&placeId=1552">Peloponnese</a> in the fourth century is identified with the victory of Philip II (xviii. 14. 6; cf. CQ, 1943, 9 n. 1, contrasting xviii. 11. 4 and 6). Phylarchus naturally interpreted 'freedom' differently; cf. Iustin. xxviii. 4. 2 (drawing on Phylarchus), 'inter duas nobilissimas gentes bellum summis utrimque uiribus fuit, cum hi pro uetere Macedonum gloria, illi non solum pro inlibata libertate, sed etiam pro salute certarent'.

2.69.2 - 2.69.2

<emph rend="bold"><w lang="el-GR">τὸν μὲν ἵππον πεσεῖν πληγέντα καιρίως</w>:</emph> Plutarch (Phil. 6) makes Philopoemen deliberately abandon his horse in order to pursue the enemy (in his version the light-armed troops ascending <a class="linkToPlace" target="_blank" href="/place?placename=Euas&groupId=583&placeId=1090">Euas</a>, not the cavalry). In this version he is wounded by a thonged javelin, but succeeds in moving his legs so as to break the shaft, and after its extraction resumes the conflict.

2.69.3 - 2.69.3

<emph rend="bold"><w lang="el-GR">διὰ τῶν εὐζώνων καὶ μισθοφόρων</w>:</emph> perhaps 'the light-armed mercenaries' (cf. v. 36. 3, 53. 3, where <w lang="el-GR">τοὺς ξένους καὶ μισθοφόρους</w> means 'the mercenaries from abroad'); CR, 1951, 99 n. 1. Cleomenes' <w lang="el-GR">εὔζωνοι</w> are certainly mercenaries, but Doson's light-armed included the Gauls and Agrianians, who were probably allies (65. 2 n.); it is therefore possible that the <w lang="el-GR">καί</w> should have its full force. <emph rend="bold"><w lang="el-GR">σχεδὸν . . . ὡς πεντακισχιλίους</w>:</emph> Doson's 5,000 consisted of his 3,000 mixed mercenaries, 1,000 Gauls, and 1,000 Agrianians (65. 2); on Cleomenes' forces see 65. 9–10 nn.

2.69.6 - 2.69.6

<emph rend="bold"><w lang="el-GR">ὁρῶν τοὺς μὲν . . . πεφευγότας κτλ</w>.:</emph> there is a fundamental discrepancy between P. and Phylarchus (Plut. Cleom. 28) on the timing and reason for Cleomenes' phalanx charge. Here it is clearly a last hope, forced on Cleomenes when he saw that all was up on <a class="linkToPlace" target="_blank" href="/place?placename=Euas&groupId=583&placeId=1090">Euas</a>, and nearly so in the centre; but Phylarchus makes Cleomenes charge deliberately, drive the Macedonians back 5 stades, and pause only when he sees disaster on the other hill. Such a discrepancy might well arise from different eyewitness accounts of two events which were almost simultaneous. There can be little doubt that Cleomenes meant to charge, and did so deliberately, for he had accepted the battle (66. 4); but the pro-Spartan source tries to attribute the failure of his charge to the disaster on <a class="linkToPlace" target="_blank" href="/place?placename=Euas&groupId=583&placeId=1090">Euas</a>, just as the pro-Achaean source tries to represent the charge as due entirely to the pressure of events (Ferrabino, Atti Acc. Torino, 1918–19, 811 ff.). Phylarchus tries further to excuse Cleomenes with his silly story of an inquiry on the whereabouts of the Illyrians and Acarnanians, and the reassuring answer of Damotelas, <w lang="el-GR">τὸν ἐπὶ τῆς κρυπτείας τεταγμένον</w>, who had been bribed. It seems probable that the phalanx charged at <milestone unit="page" n="285">[285]</milestone> the moment the ambushed troops were making their assault on <a class="linkToPlace" target="_blank" href="/place?placename=Euas&groupId=583&placeId=1090">Euas</a>, but before the Illyrians had scaled the brow of the hill (Walbank, Aratos, 111–12). <emph rend="bold"><w lang="el-GR">τοὺς δ᾿ . . . ἱππεῖς ὅσον οὔπω κλίνοντας</w>:</emph> i.e. as a result of the attack initiated by Philopoemen (67. 5). <emph rend="bold"><w lang="el-GR">ἠναγκάζετο διασπᾶν τὰ προτειχίσματα</w>:</emph> the <w lang="el-GR">χάραξ</w> of 65. 9. These defences were no longer needed once the phalanx was ready to take the offensive; hence their destruction is no evidence that events were compelling Cleomenes to change his plan (so Kromayer, AS, i. 243). For the advance 'frontally, in line' <w lang="el-GR">(μετωπηδόν)</w> cf. 27. 4; the side of the camp from which they emerged would be that facing the Macedonians.

2.69.7 - 2.69.7

<emph rend="bold"><w lang="el-GR">καταβαλοῦσαι τὰς σαρίσας</w>:</emph> MS. <w lang="el-GR">μεταβαλοῦσαι</w>, 'changing the position'. Reiske's emendation restores the technical term for levelling pikes from the shoulder position; cf. v. 85. 9, xi. 15. 6, 16. 1, xviii. 24. 9 (misunderstood by Livy, xxxiii. 8. 13). The <w lang="el-GR">σάρισα</w> is the long Macedonian pike of 14 cubits (21 ft.); on its use in the phalanx see xviii. 29.

2.69.8 - 2.69.8

<emph rend="bold"><w lang="el-GR">ὑπὸ τῆς τῶν Λακώνων εὐψυχίας</w>:</emph> cf. v. 39. 5, <w lang="el-GR">εὐψύχως πάνυ καὶ Λακωνικῶς</w> (on Cleomenes' death, from Phylarchus); but the admission comes more strangely in the present passage, where the source is markedly anti-Spartan. In the Phylarchean version of Plutarch (Cleom. 28. 4) the Macedonians are swept back 5 stades (nearly 1,000 yards); but this must be an exaggeration (on Kromayer's site it would have forced the Macedonians into a ravine: AS, i. 244 n. 2). <emph rend="bold"><w lang="el-GR">ὑπὸ τοῦ βάρους τῆς τῶν Μακεδόνων τάξεως</w>:</emph> P. probably refers to the fact that the Macedonian files were 32 men deep, in contrast to the 16 of the normal Spartan formation (66. 9). In width Cleomenes' phalanx (375 files of 16 men = 6,000) will have slightly exceeded Doson's (312 files of 32 men = 9,984 (10,000)); but once Cleomenes had failed in his attempt to break the Macedonian line and force it down into the Oenus valley, Doson's additional weight was bound to tell. There is no reference to heavier armour, as in 68. 9; and Plutarch (Cleom. 28. 1) is probably misinterpreting P. (mentioned 27. 4) when he writes, <w lang="el-GR">τῷ τρόπῳ τῆς ὁπλίσεως καὶ τῷ βάρει τῆς ὁπλιτικῆς φάλαγγος ἐξεθλίβη</w>. One need not suppose any difference in the length of sarissa, etc. (so Kromayer, AS, i. 244 n. 3), since the Spartan phalanx was armed like the Macedonian (this is specifically attested for 2,000 of Cleomenes' recruits; 65. 3 n.).

2.69.9 - 2.69.9

<emph rend="bold"><w lang="el-GR">συμφράξαντες τὰς σάρισας</w>:</emph> 'closing up the ranks of their pikes'. In iv. 64. 6–7, where it is a question of passive defence against hostile cavalry, the phrase <w lang="el-GR">συμφράττειν τοῖς ὅπλοις</w> describes a continuation of the movement of <w lang="el-GR">συνασπισμός</w>, which a tactical writer describes as allowing only 1.5 ft. per man (Asclep. 4. 3; cf. Ael. Tact. 11. 5). But <milestone unit="page" n="286">[286]</milestone> this formation can hardly have been employed in phalanx action; and P. clearly states that the formation then used, <w lang="el-GR">πύκνωσις τῶν σαρισῶν</w> (xviii. 30. 3), allowed 3 ft. per man in contrast to the usual 6 on march (xii. 19. 7). See Kromayer (AS, iii. 1. 347 ff.; Heerwesen, 135) and Meyer (Kl. Schr. ii. 203 f.) against Delbrck (Geschichte der Kriegs-kunst, i <emph rend="superscript">2</emph> (Berlin, 1920), 423). In fact, P.'s normal use of these terms is inconsistent. Thus in xii. 21. 3 <w lang="el-GR">ὅλως συνασπί?ζειν</w> indicates the 3-ft. formation, yet in xii. 21. 7 (in polemic against Callisthenes) <w lang="el-GR">συνησπι- κότας</w> refers to the formation allowing 6 ft. per man. The expression <w lang="el-GR">συμφράττειν</w> is also used of the interlocking of shields over the head in the Roman testudo (cf. x. 14. 12, xxviii. 11. 2); but here it clearly refers to the 3-ft. stance of the phalanx <w lang="el-GR">πύκνωσις</w>. See Cornelius, 26–27; and on the phalanx Kromayer–Veith, Heerwesen, 135. <emph rend="bold"><w lang="el-GR">χρησάμενοι τῷ . . . ἰδιώματι</w>:</emph> 'taking advantage of the peculiar formation of the double phalanx', cf. 66. 9. Paton's translation fails to distinguish the special feature of the double phalanx, which massed 10,000 men behind a 300-yard line, and the normal procedure of <w lang="el-GR">πύκνωσις</w>. <emph rend="bold"><w lang="el-GR">ἐκ τῶν ὀχυρωμάτων</w>:</emph> 'from their position'.

2.69.10 - 2.69.10

<emph rend="bold"><w lang="el-GR">ἀπεχώρησε . . . ἀσφαλῶς εἰς τὴν Σπάρτην</w>:</emph> Plutarch (Cleom. 29. 1 ff.) describes Cleomenes' arrival there with much circumstantial and melodramatic detail from Phylarchus (cf. Iustin. xxviii. 4. 3 ff.). According to Plutarch all but 200 of the phalanx fell; Iustinus gives the total survivors on Cleomenes' side as 4,000. In the words <w lang="el-GR">φονευ- όμενον</w> and <w lang="el-GR">ἀσφαλῶς</w> P. echoes contemporary criticism of Cleomenes' failure to die on the field in the tradition of <a class="linkToPlace" target="_blank" href="/place?placename=Sparta&groupId=660&placeId=1208">Sparta</a>. Phylarchus' defence is represented in the long, and no doubt apocryphal, con- versation between Cleomenes and the Spartan Therycion, which Plutarch relates as taking place on the island of Aegialia (Cleom. 31), before the king left for <a class="linkToPlace" target="_blank" href="/place?placename=Egypt&groupId=556&placeId=368">Egypt</a>. In this moving chapter Cleomenes is made to criticize the easy Stoic solutionsuicide; the source is probably Phylarchus, worked over by Plutarch himself. For discussion see F. Ollier, REG, 1936, 541–2.

2.69.11 - 2.69.11

<emph rend="bold"><w lang="el-GR">καταβάς εἰς Γύθιον</w>:</emph> <a class="linkToPlace" target="_blank" href="/place?placename=Gythium&groupId=612&placeId=1127">Gythium</a> was the main port of <a class="linkToPlace" target="_blank" href="/place?placename=Laconia&groupId=662&placeId=1211">Laconia</a>, about 35–40 miles south of the capital (cf. v. 19. 4–8 n.). For Cleomenes' subsequent career in <a class="linkToPlace" target="_blank" href="/place?placename=Egypt&groupId=556&placeId=368">Egypt</a> cf. v. 35–39.

2.69.1 - 2.69.1

<emph rend="bold"><w lang="el-GR">ἐγκρατὴς γενόμενος ἐξ ἐφόδου τῆς Σπάρτης</w>:</emph> cf. i. 24. 11, 76. 10, etc. 'having taken <a class="linkToPlace" target="_blank" href="/place?placename=Sparta&groupId=660&placeId=1208">Sparta</a> at a single stroke'. Cleomenes had advised against further resistance (Plut. Cleom. 29. 1; Iustin. xxviii. 4. 7–9). This was the first time <a class="linkToPlace" target="_blank" href="/place?placename=Sparta&groupId=660&placeId=1208">Sparta</a> had been occupied by an enemy. <emph rend="bold"><w lang="el-GR">μεγαλοψύχως . . . ἐχρήσατο τοῖς Λακεδαιμονίοις</w>:</emph> cf. v. 9. 8–10, <w lang="el-GR">τῶν μεγίστων ἀγαθῶν αἴτιος γενόμενος καὶ κοινῇ καὶ κατ᾿ ἰδίαν Λακεδαι- μονίοις</w>. There were no reprisals (ix. 29. 12), but Cleomenes' constitution was abrogated (see next note) and <a class="linkToPlace" target="_blank" href="/place?placename=Sparta&groupId=660&placeId=1208">Sparta</a> was obliged to aline herself with the Hellenic Symmachy (54. 4 n.); her exact status is not very clear, but Philip's words in iv. 24. 4 suggest that she was a member (cf. iv. 9. 6 n.). Further she was forced to cede the Ager Denthaliatis (between Kalamata and the Langada gorge) to <a class="linkToPlace" target="_blank" href="/place?placename=Messenia&groupId=760&placeId=1380">Messenia</a> (if the Antigonus of Tacitus (Ann. iv. 43. 4) is Doson (so Beloch, iv. 1. 718; Fine, AJP, 1940, 155) and not Gonatas (so Ehrenberg, RE, '<a class="linkToPlace" target="_blank" href="/place?placename=Sparta&groupId=660&placeId=1208">Sparta</a>', cols. 1422, 1426)); this territory had probably been lost to <a class="linkToPlace" target="_blank" href="/place?placename=Sparta&groupId=660&placeId=1208">Sparta</a> at the time of Areus' Peloponnesian League and the war against Gonatas in 280 (41. 12 n.), when <a class="linkToPlace" target="_blank" href="/place?placename=Messenia&groupId=760&placeId=1380">Messenia</a> was pro-Macedonian (Beloch, iv. 2. 370–1). See further Roebuck, 62, 64 n. 24. <emph rend="bold"><w lang="el-GR">τὸ πολίτευμα τὸ πάτριον</w> . . . 〈<w lang="el-GR">ἀπο</w>〉<w lang="el-GR">καταστήσας</w>:</emph> cf. v. 9. 9, <w lang="el-GR">τὸ πάτριον πολίτευμα καὶ τὴν ἐλευθερίαν</w>, ix. 36. 5; Plut. Cleom. 30. 1. Antigonus abolished Cleomenes' 'Lycurgan' reforms, and restored the Ephors (cf. iv. 22. 5). To what extent Cleomenes' land reforms were reversed is uncertain (cf. Porter, lxxxv–lxxxvi); but the kingship was left in abeyance (iv. 22. 4), and Brachylles, a Boeotian, was left as Macedonian <w lang="el-GR">ἐπιστάτης</w> in the town (xx. 5. 12; cf. Feyel, 131). In this way Doson fulfilled the ambitions of the governing class in <a class="linkToPlace" target="_blank" href="/place?placename=Achaea&groupId=272&placeId=533">Achaea</a>, and crushed the sparks of social revolution. As Tarn (AG, 437–8) has shown, the phrase <w lang="el-GR">πάτριος πολιτεία</w> and similar expressions were commonly used in the third and second centuries in contrast to tyranny; cf. ii. 47. 3 n., iv. 81. 14, ix. 36. 4 (<a class="linkToPlace" target="_blank" href="/place?placename=Sparta&groupId=660&placeId=1208">Sparta</a>), ii. 70. 4 (<a class="linkToPlace" target="_blank" href="/place?placename=Tegea&groupId=1011&placeId=1780">Tegea</a>), ii. 43. 8 <w lang="el-GR">(πάτριον ἐλευθερίαν</w> of the Peloponnesian cities); Plut. Dem. 8 and 10 (<a class="linkToPlace" target="_blank" href="/place?placename=Athens&groupId=379&placeId=715">Athens</a>); Flam. 10 (Greeks); Syll. 434/5, l. 15 (decree leading to the Chremonidean War, referring to <w lang="el-GR">τύραννοι</w> who subvert <w lang="el-GR">τούς τε νόμους καὶ τὰς πατρίους ἑκάστοις πολιτείας)</w>; Syll. 390, l. 15 (Island League honouring Ptolemy I). It was a propagandist phrase which did not necessarily imply a return to the previous constitution enjoyed before the 'tyranny'. <a class="linkToPlace" target="_blank" href="/place?placename=Shimron&groupId=19&placeId=84">Shimron</a>, Late <a class="linkToPlace" target="_blank" href="/place?placename=Sparta&groupId=660&placeId=1208">Sparta</a>, 57 ff., argues that Doson left the main Cleomenean reforms, including the social institutions, untouched. <emph rend="bold"><w lang="el-GR">ἐν ὀλίγαις ἡμέραις</w>:</emph> cf. Plut. Cleom. 30. 1, <w lang="el-GR">ἡμέρᾳ τρίτῃ</w>. This more explicit version points to the use of a common source. <emph rend="bold"><w lang="el-GR">τοὺς Ἰλλυριοὺς . . . πορθεῖν τὴν χώραν</w>:</emph> cf. Plut. Cleom. 30. 1, <w lang="el-GR">πορθεῖσθαι τὴν χώραν ὑπὸ τῶν βαρβάρων</w>. These will not be the Illyrians of Demetrius of <a class="linkToPlace" target="_blank" href="/place?placename=Pharos&groupId=879&placeId=1586">Pharos</a>, but rather rebellious tribes farther east, akin to their Dardanian neighbours (Fine, JRS, 1936, 25). There is no reason to think they were financed by <a class="linkToPlace" target="_blank" href="/place?placename=Rome&groupId=935&placeId=1669">Rome</a>, as Droysen suggested (Tarn, CAH, vii. 843 n. 1). <milestone unit="page" n="288">[288]</milestone>

2.69.3 - 2.69.3

<emph rend="bold"><w lang="el-GR">τῶν καιρῶν ἀντεποιήσατο</w>:</emph> 'had sought to use his opportunities' (Schweighaeuser), or, less probably (cf. the intransitive use, 9. 5), 'had resisted circumstances, held out'.

2.69.4 - 2.69.4

<emph rend="bold"><w lang="el-GR">τούτοις ἀποδοὺς τὴν πάτριον πολιτείαν</w>:</emph> cf. § 1 n. Nothing is known of <a class="linkToPlace" target="_blank" href="/place?placename=Tegea&groupId=1011&placeId=1780">Tegea</a> till 207, when it is again Spartan (xi. 11. 2). On the probability that <a class="linkToPlace" target="_blank" href="/place?placename=Tegea&groupId=1011&placeId=1780">Tegea</a> was a member of the Achaean Confederation for a short time between 234 and 229 see 46. 2 n.; if so, she may have resumed this status now (the phrase <w lang="el-GR">πάτριος πολιτεία</w> being no obstacle to this view, as Freeman (HFG, 386) thought), though no positive evidence exists. <emph rend="bold"><w lang="el-GR">εἰς Ἄργος ἐπ᾿ αὐτὴν . . . τὴν τῶν Νεμέων πανήγυριν</w>:</emph> the Nemean festival, held in alternate years, was at this time celebrated at <a class="linkToPlace" target="_blank" href="/place?placename=Argos&groupId=361&placeId=689">Argos</a>. Founded in 573, it was originally held by <a class="linkToPlace" target="_blank" href="/place?placename=Cleonae&groupId=478&placeId=896">Cleonae</a> at Nemea, probably with Argive backing (cf. Pind. Nem. x. 42; Plut. Arat. 28. 5); and as late as 310 it was still held there, since Cassander returned to Macedon <w lang="el-GR">παρελθὼν εἰς τὴν Ἀργείαν καὶ θεὶς τὸν τῶν Νεμέων ἀγῶνα</w> (Diod. xix. 64. 1). The <a class="linkToPlace" target="_blank" href="/place?placename=Argives&groupId=361&placeId=688">Argives</a> were still erecting stelae at Nemea in the early third century (cf. Vollgraff, Mnem., 1916, 221, l. 29); but at some date before 235 the games had been transferred to <a class="linkToPlace" target="_blank" href="/place?placename=Argos&groupId=361&placeId=689">Argos</a> (cf. Boethius, Der argivische Kalender (Uppsala, 1922), 5–8). In 235 Aratus transferred them back to <a class="linkToPlace" target="_blank" href="/place?placename=Cleonae&groupId=478&placeId=896">Cleonae</a>, and rival festivals were held here and at <a class="linkToPlace" target="_blank" href="/place?placename=Argos&groupId=361&placeId=689">Argos</a> (Plut. Arat. 28. 5); but after 229 they went back to <a class="linkToPlace" target="_blank" href="/place?placename=Argos&groupId=361&placeId=689">Argos</a> (cf. Plut. Cleom. 17. 4). A Nemean festival would normally indicate an 'odd' year (Julian); but since <a class="linkToPlace" target="_blank" href="/place?placename=Sellasia&groupId=966&placeId=1714">Sellasia</a> cannot have been fought in 221 (65–69 n.), this must be the festival of 223 postponed on account of the war. In 225 Cleomenes had exploited the truce to seize <a class="linkToPlace" target="_blank" href="/place?placename=Argos&groupId=361&placeId=689">Argos</a> (52. 2 n.); and there is good evidence for the postponement of religious festivals at this time (cf. v. 106. 2–4), including the Nemea (Livy, xxxiv. 41. 1 (195 B.C.), based on P.). Cf. Porter, lxxvi–lxxvii; De Sanctis, Riv. fil., 1927, 489.

2.69.5 - 2.69.5

<emph rend="bold"><w lang="el-GR">πάντων τῶν πρὸς ἀθάνατον δόξαν καὶ τιμὴν ἀνηκόντων</w>:</emph> like the <milestone unit="page" n="289">[289]</milestone> other Antigonids, from Gonatas onwards, Doson had no official state cult; but after <a class="linkToPlace" target="_blank" href="/place?placename=Sellasia&groupId=966&placeId=1714">Sellasia</a> he was widely celebrated throughout Greece in terms which came near to deification. An Achaean Antigoneia was set up in his honour by Aratus (xxviii. 19. 3, xxx. 29. 3), a proceeding strongly condemned by the latter's enemies (cf. Plut. Cleom. 16. 7; Arat. 45. 3, both echoing Phylarchus). The Antigoneia at Histiaea in <a class="linkToPlace" target="_blank" href="/place?placename=Euboea&groupId=584&placeId=1091">Euboea</a> (Syll. 493, l. 22; cf. Roussel and Hatzfeld, BCH, 1910, 370) was apparently in Doson's honour. <a class="linkToPlace" target="_blank" href="/place?placename=Mantinea&groupId=731&placeId=1339">Mantinea</a> was refounded as Antigoneia (56. 6 n.), with Aratus as <w lang="el-GR">οἰκιστής</w> and Doson as its <w lang="el-GR">κτίστης</w> (Plut. Arat. 45. 8–9), and the latter was here celebrated as <w lang="el-GR">σωτὴρ καὶ εὐεργέτης</w> (IG, v. 2. 299), as he was also by the Spartans (v. 9. 10 n., ix. 36. 5). On the group representing Philip V and Doson, crowned, which the Eleans set up at <a class="linkToPlace" target="_blank" href="/place?placename=Olympia&groupId=809&placeId=1462">Olympia</a> (Paus. vi. 16. 3), see Walbank (Philip, 19 n. 1), J. Pouilloux and N. M. Verdelis (BCH, 1950, 44), and Aymard (Aegyptus, 1952, 91–92). Similar expressions of adulation no doubt took place on the present occasion.

2.69.6 - 2.69.6

<emph rend="bold"><w lang="el-GR">τῇ δὲ παρακλήσει καὶ κραυγῇ τῇ κατ᾿ αὐτὸν τὸν κίνδυνον</w>:</emph> cf. Plut. Cleom. 30. 3, <w lang="el-GR">αὐτῇ τῇ περὶ τὸν ἀγῶνα κραυγῇ</w>. Plutarch attributes the story of Doson's rupturing a blood-vessel, encouraging his men, specifically to Phylarchus. <emph rend="bold"><w lang="el-GR">εἰς αἵματος ἀναγωγὴν καὶ τινα τοιαύτην διάθεσιν ἐμπεσών</w>:</emph> 'he took to vomiting blood and fell into the morbid condition which accompanies it.' <w lang="el-GR">αἵματος ἀναγωγή</w> is a technical term for vomiting blood; cf. Erasistratus in Galen, Libr. propr. (ed. Mller, Galeni scripta minora, ii. 91), 1. Plutarch (Cleom. 30. 3), who here has the phrase <w lang="el-GR">τὸ αῶμα προσαναρρήξας</w>, uses the words <w lang="el-GR">πλῆθος αἵματος ἀνήγαγε</w> in connexion with another version (from the rhetorical schools), that the haemorrhage was caused by Doson's shouting <w lang="el-GR">ὦ καλῆς ἡμέρας</w> after the victory. There was a persistent tradition that Doson was already consumptive; cf. Plut. Cleom. 16. 7, 30. 2. <w lang="el-GR">διάθεσις</w> is also a technical medical term; cf. 20. 7 n. <emph rend="bold"><w lang="el-GR">μετ᾿ οὐ πολὺ . . . μετήλλαξε</w>:</emph> cf. Plut. Cleom. 30. 4, <w lang="el-GR">συντόνως ἐτελεύτησε</w>. In reality Doson lived till about July (Walbank, Philip, 295–8) or even August 221 (if one follows Bickerman, Berytus, 1944, 73). During the year between his Illyrian victory and his death he appointed guardians for the new king (cf. iv. 87. 6), and sent the latter on a journey to the <a class="linkToPlace" target="_blank" href="/place?placename=Peloponnese&groupId=861&placeId=1552">Peloponnese</a> to make Aratus' acquaintance (Plut. Arat. 46. 2–3). Either now or earlier he appointed Taurion commander of his forces in the <a class="linkToPlace" target="_blank" href="/place?placename=Peloponnese&groupId=861&placeId=1552">Peloponnese</a> (iv. 6. 4). Bengtson, S.-B. Mnchen, 1971, 3, 53–58, dates Doson's death and Philip's succession towards the end of 222.

2.69.8 - 2.69.8

<emph rend="bold"><w lang="el-GR">τὴν . . . βασιλείαν ἀπέλιπε φιλίππῳ τῷ Δημητρίου</w>:</emph> Philip V, son of Demetrius II (44. 1–2) and the Epirote princess Phthia (Chryseis), was born in 238, and so was 17 upon his accession in 221 (cf. iv. 5. 3, 24. 1). Iustinus (xxviii. 4. 16, xxix. 1. 2) makes him 14; but this figure may be ignored (cf. Fine, CQ, 1934, 100). That Philip was never coregent with Doson (cf. Walbank, Philip, 19 n. 1) is now confirmed <milestone unit="page" n="290">[290]</milestone> by an inscription from <a class="linkToPlace" target="_blank" href="/place?placename=Demetrias&groupId=536&placeId=1006">Demetrias</a>, containing the formula <w lang="el-GR">βασιλεῖ Ἀντιγόνω[ι] ? καὶ Φιλίππωι</w> (Pouilloux–Verdelis, BCH, 1950, 42; cf. Aymard, Aegyptus, 1952, 90–93). For the general situation on his accession see Walbank, Philip, 18–23.

Addenda & corrigenda

2.37.0 - 2.70.0

on the Achaean <w lang="el-GR">προκατασκευή</w>? Gelzer, Kl. Schr. iii. 206, now believes with Ziegler (RE, 'Polybios', col. 1476) that in 168 the Achaica was more or less complete; he suggests that P.'s work on the Philopoemen led him to conceive the idea of continuing Aratus.

2.65.0 - 2.69.0

A. E. Samuel, Ptolemaic Chronology (Mnchener Beitrge zur Papyrus-Forschung, 43), Munich, 1962, 106 f., dates Philopator's accession between 18 October and 31 December 222.

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see now xxxix. 8. 1–8 n., arguing that Gelzer's hypothesis that the Achaean section of book ii was composed before 168 but not included in the Histories until very late, indeed after the composition of the epilogue, is to be accepted as the most reasonable solution of the problems raised here and by iii. 32. 2.

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Euergetes' death is put between 18 Oct. and 31 Dec. 222 by Samuel, 106 ff.; cf. Bengtson, S.-B. Mnchen, 1971, 3, 53. On the Spartan and Macedonian forces at <a class="linkToPlace" target="_blank" href="/place?placename=Sellasia&groupId=966&placeId=1714">Sellasia</a> see the unpersuasive discussion by M. Daubies, Historia, 1971, 665–95; he argues that the 6,000 Lacedaemonians (65. 9) consist of 4,000 Spartiates with 2,000 perioeci, that <w lang="el-GR">τῶν Μακεδόνων τοὺς χαλκάσπιδας</w> (66. 5) are the 2,000 Agrianians and Galatians (though at <a class="linkToPlace" target="_blank" href="/place?placename=Pydna&groupId=919&placeId=1647">Pydna</a> they were Macedonians), and that Antigonus' light-armed are to be identified with the peltasts (69. 3). See also R. Urban, Chiron, 1973, 95–102, with Daubies's reply, Hommages Praux, 383–92.

Polybius, Histories

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