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Book 11 - Chapter 1a

1
<head lang="la">I. Ex Prooemio</head><w lemma="%2A%29%2Fisws">Ἴσως</w> <w lemma="de%2F">δέ</w> <w lemma="tines">τινες</w> <w lemma="e%29pizhtou%3Dsi">ἐπιζητοῦσι</w> <w lemma="pw%3Ds">πῶς</w> <w lemma="h%28mei%3Ds">ἡμεῖς</w> <w lemma="ou%29">οὐ</w> <w lemma="prografa%5Cs">προγραφὰς</w> <w lemma="e%29n">ἐν</w> <w lemma="tau%2Fth%7C">ταύτῃ</w> <w lemma="th%3D%7C">τῇ</w> <w lemma="bi%2Fblw%7C">βίβλῳ</w>, <w lemma="kaqa%2Fper">καθάπερ</w> <w lemma="oi%28">οἱ</w> <w lemma="pro%5C">πρὸ</w> <w lemma="h%28mw%3Dn">ἡμῶν</w>, <w lemma="a%29lla%5C">ἀλλὰ</w> <w lemma="kai%5C">καὶ</w> <w lemma="proekqe%2Fseis">προεκθέσεις</w> <w lemma="kaq%27">καθ᾽</w> <w lemma="e%28ka%2Fsthn">ἑκάστην</w> <w lemma="o%29lumpia%2Fda">ὀλυμπιάδα</w> <w lemma="pepoih%2Fkamen">πεποιήκαμεν</w> <w lemma="tw%3Dn">τῶν</w> <w lemma="pra%2Fcewn">πράξεων</w>.
2
<w lemma="e%29gw%5C">ἐγὼ</w> <w lemma="de%5C">δὲ</w> <w lemma="kri%2Fnw">κρίνω</w> <w lemma="xrh%2Fsimon">χρήσιμον</w> <w lemma="me%5Cn">μὲν</w> <w lemma="ei%29%3Dnai">εἶναι</w> <w lemma="kai%5C">καὶ</w> <w lemma="to%5C">τὸ</w> <w lemma="tw%3Dn">τῶν</w> <w lemma="prografw%3Dn">προγραφῶν</w> <w lemma="ge%2Fnos:">γένος·</w> <w lemma="kai%5C">καὶ</w> <w lemma="ga%5Cr">γὰρ</w> <w lemma="ei%29s">εἰς</w> <w lemma="e%29pi%2Fstasin">ἐπίστασιν</w> <w lemma="a%29%2Fgei">ἄγει</w> <w lemma="tou%5Cs">τοὺς</w> <w lemma="a%29naginw%2Fskein">ἀναγινώσκειν</w> <w lemma="qe%2Flontas">θέλοντας</w> <w lemma="kai%5C">καὶ</w> <w lemma="sunekkalei%3Dtai">συνεκκαλεῖται</w> <w lemma="kai%5C">καὶ</w> <w lemma="parorma%3D%7C">παρορμᾷ</w> <w lemma="pro%5Cs">πρὸς</w> <w lemma="th%5Cn">τὴν</w> <w lemma="a%29na%2Fgnwsin">ἀνάγνωσιν</w> <w lemma="tou%5Cs">τοὺς</w> <w lemma="e%29ntugxa%2Fnontas">ἐντυγχάνοντας</w>, <w lemma="pro%5Cs">πρὸς</w> <w lemma="de%5C">δὲ</w> <w lemma="tou%2Ftois">τούτοις</w> <w lemma="pa%3Dn">πᾶν</w> <w lemma="to%5C">τὸ</w> <w lemma="zhtou%2Fmenon">ζητούμενον</w> <w lemma="e%28toi%2Fmws">ἑτοίμως</w> <w lemma="e%29%2Fnestin">ἔνεστιν</w> <w lemma="eu%28rei%3Dn">εὑρεῖν</w> <w lemma="dia%5C">διὰ</w> <w lemma="tou%2Ftou:">τούτου·</w>
3
<w lemma="qewrw%3Dn">θεωρῶν</w> <w lemma="de%5C">δὲ</w> <w lemma="dia%5C">διὰ</w> <w lemma="polla%5Cs">πολλὰς</w> <w lemma="ai%29ti%2Fas">αἰτίας</w> <w lemma="kai%5C">καὶ</w> <w lemma="ta%5Cs">τὰς</w> <w lemma="tuxou%2Fsas">τυχούσας</w> <w lemma="o%29ligwrou%2Fmenon">ὀλιγωρούμενον</w> <w lemma="kai%5C">καὶ</w> <w lemma="fqeiro%2Fmenon">φθειρόμενον</w> <w lemma="to%5C">τὸ</w> <w lemma="tw%3Dn">τῶν</w> <w lemma="prografw%3Dn">προγραφῶν</w> <w lemma="ge%2Fnos">γένος</w>, <w lemma="ou%28%2Ftws">οὕτως</w> <w lemma="kai%5C">καὶ</w> <w lemma="dia%5C">διὰ</w> <w lemma="tau%3Dta">ταῦτα</w> <w lemma="pro%5Cs">πρὸς</w> <w lemma="tou%3Dto">τοῦτο</w> <w lemma="to%5C">τὸ</w> <w lemma="me%2Fros">μέρος</w> <w lemma="kathne%2Fxqhn:">κατηνέχθην·</w>
4
<w lemma="th%3Ds">τῆς</w> <w lemma="ga%5Cr">γὰρ</w> <w lemma="proekqe%2Fsews">προεκθέσεως</w> <w lemma="ou%29">οὐ</w> <w lemma="mo%2Fnon">μόνον</w> <w lemma="i%29sodunamou%2Fshs">ἰσοδυναμούσης</w> <w lemma="pro%5Cs">πρὸς</w> <w lemma="th%5Cn">τὴν</w> <w lemma="prografh%2Fn">προγραφήν</w>, <w lemma="a%29lla%5C">ἀλλὰ</w> <w lemma="kai%5C">καὶ</w> <w lemma="plei%3Do%2Fn">πλεῖόν</w> <w lemma="ti">τι</w> <w lemma="duname%2Fnhs">δυναμένης</w>, <w lemma="a%28%2Fma">ἅμα</w> <w lemma="de%5C">δὲ</w> <w lemma="kai%5C">καὶ</w> <w lemma="xw%2Fran">χώραν</w> <w lemma="e%29xou%2Fshs">ἐχούσης</w> <w lemma="a%29sfaleste%2Fran">ἀσφαλεστέραν</w> <w lemma="dia%5C">διὰ</w> <w lemma="to%5C">τὸ</w> <w lemma="sumpeple%2Fxqai">συμπεπλέχθαι</w> <w lemma="th%3D%7C">τῇ</w> <w lemma="pragmatei%2Fa%7C">πραγματείᾳ</w>,
5
<w lemma="tou%2Ftw%7C">τούτῳ</w> <w lemma="ma%3Dllon">μᾶλλον</w> <w lemma="e%29dokima%2Fsamen">ἐδοκιμάσαμεν</w> <w lemma="xrh%3Dsqai">χρῆσθαι</w> <w lemma="tw%3D%7C">τῷ</w> <w lemma="me%2Frei">μέρει</w> <w lemma="par%27">παρ᾽</w> <w lemma="o%28%2Flhn">ὅλην</w> <w lemma="th%5Cn">τὴν</w> <w lemma="su%2Fntacin">σύνταξιν</w> <w lemma="plh%5Cn">πλὴν</w> <w lemma="e%28%5Cc">ἓξ</w> <w lemma="tw%3Dn">τῶν</w> <w lemma="prw%2Ftwn">πρώτων</w> <w lemma="bubli%2Fwn:">βυβλίων·</w> <w lemma="e%29n">ἐν</w> <w lemma="e%29kei%2Fnois">ἐκείνοις</w> <w lemma="de%5C">δὲ</w> <w lemma="prografa%5Cs">προγραφὰς</w> <w lemma="e%29poihsa%2Fmeqa">ἐποιησάμεθα</w> <w lemma="dia%5C">διὰ</w> <w lemma="to%5C">τὸ</w> <w lemma="mh%5C">μὴ</w> <w lemma="li%2Fan">λίαν</w> <w lemma="e%29narmo%2Fzein">ἐναρμόζειν</w> <w lemma="e%29n">ἐν</w> <w lemma="au%29toi%3Ds">αὐτοῖς</w> <w lemma="to%5C">τὸ</w> <w lemma="tw%3Dn">τῶν</w> <w lemma="proekqe%2Fsewn">προεκθέσεων</w> <w lemma="ge%2Fnos">γένος</w>.
<head>I. From the Preface</head>Some will perhaps inquire why in this work I do not, like former authors, write prologues but give a summary of the events in each Olympiad.
I indeed regard a prologue as a useful kind of thing, since it fixes the attention of those who wish to read the work and stimulates and encourages readers in their task, besides which by this means any matter that we are in search of can be easily found.
But as I saw that for various fortuitous reasons prologues were now neglected and had degenerated in style, I was led to adopt the other alternative.
For an introductory summary is not only of equal value to a prologue but even of somewhat greater, while at the same time it occupies a surer position, as it forms an integral part of the work.
I, therefore, decided to employ this method throughout except in the first six books to which I wrote prologues, because in their case previous summaries are not very suitable.

Walbank Commentary

Overview
11.1.0 - 11.3.6
<p rend="Plain Text">Hasdrubal in <a class="linkToPlace" target="_blank" href="/place?placename=Italy&groupId=656&placeId=1199">Italy</a>: the Metaurus</p> <p rend="Plain Text">This fragment is from the res Italiae of Ol. 143, 1 = 207 B.C. After escaping from Baecula (x. 39. 8, 40. 10) Hasdrubal wintered in <a class="linkToPlace" target="_blank" href="/place?placename=Gaul&groupId=598&placeId=1108">Gaul</a> (208/7), crossing the <a class="linkToPlace" target="_blank" href="/place?placename=Alps&groupId=313&placeId=609">Alps</a> in the early spring. Livy (xxvii. 39. 7) and Appian (Hann. 52) imply that he used Hannibal's pass, but Varro (ap. Serv. Aen. x. 13) denies it (see De Sanctis, iii. 2. 561–2). For the events between then and the battle of the Metaurus see Livy, xxvii. 39. 1–49; Zon. ix. 9; Appian, Maced. 52–53; with Val. Max. vii. 4. 4; Frontin, Strat. i. 1. 9, 2. 9, iv. 7. 15; Flor. i. 22. 50; Eutrop. iii. 18. 2; Oros. iv. 18. 9–15; Ampel. 18. 12, 36. 3, 46. 6; auct. de uir. ill. 48. 2; Suet. Tib. 2. 1; Hor. Od. iv. 4. 37–39; Sil. It. xv. 543 ff. Livy, the main source other than P., is closely related to P., but his version incorporates annalistic material, which occasionally contradicts P.; in the main his narrative may be accepted.</p> <p rend="Plain Text"> To prevent the brothers joining forces the Romans sent one consul, C. Claudius Nero, to watch Hannibal in the south, and the other, M. Livius Salinator, to oppose Hasdrubal in the north (Livy, xxvii. 40. 1). Hannibal moved north to Grumentum to make contact with Claudius; 'here and again at <a class="linkToPlace" target="_blank" href="/place?placename=Venusia&groupId=1057&placeId=1860">Venusia</a> skirmishes took place which Roman tradition magnified into victories' (Scullard) (cf. Livy, xxvii. 41–42). Next Hannibal advanced to Canusium to await a message from Hasdrubal (Livy, xxvii. 42. 16); but Hasdrubal's envoys, four Gauls and two Numidians, were intercepted by the propraetor Q. Claudius, and so revealed to the Romans that Hasdrubal proposed to meet Hannibal in Umbria (Livy, xxvii. 43. 1–8). By now M. Livius <milestone unit="page" n="267">[267]</milestone> was encamped ad Senam about half a mile from Hasdrubal, who had followed the Via Aemilia down from <a class="linkToPlace" target="_blank" href="/place?placename=Placentia&groupId=907&placeId=1630">Placentia</a> (Livy, xxvii. 46. 4). Nero, taking 6,000 picked infantry and 1,000 horse, meanwhile left a covering force against Hannibal and pressed north by forced marches to join Livius (Livy, xxvii. 46. 4; cf. 50. 1). Hasdrubal, learning from the double signal that both consuls were facing him and uncertain what had happened to Hannibal attempted to retire by night, but missed the way and was eventually overtaken some distance up the river Metaurus, which he had failed to ford, his two guides having escaped. Here the battle took place. </p> <p rend="Plain Text">The battle-site and those of the Roman and Punic camps have been much discussed, but no theory fits all the evidence and avoids all the difficulties. It is clear that the Punic camp and the battlefield were both on the same side of the Metaurus. In favour of the right bank is the association of the camps in many of our sources with <a class="linkToPlace" target="_blank" href="/place?placename=Sena&groupId=968&placeId=1716">Sena</a>, which lies about 10 miles south of the Metaurus (cf. Livy, xxvii. 46. 4, ad Senam; Eutrop. iii. 18. 2; and auct. de uir. ill. 48. 2, apud Senam; App. Hann. 52, <w lang="el-GR">περὶ πόλιν Σένας)</w>; on the other hand, Cicero (Brut. 73) calls the battle Senense proelium, and it is located near <a class="linkToPlace" target="_blank" href="/place?placename=Sena&groupId=968&placeId=1716">Sena</a> by Silius (xv. 552) and Eutropius (iii. 18. 2). Perhaps, then, the references to <a class="linkToPlace" target="_blank" href="/place?placename=Sena&groupId=968&placeId=1716">Sena</a> are to be taken in a general sense, as being the last town of consequence before <a class="linkToPlace" target="_blank" href="/place?placename=Ariminum&groupId=362&placeId=691">Ariminum</a>, and naturally associated with the ancient territory of the Senones (De Sanctis, iii. 2. 563). If the reference to <a class="linkToPlace" target="_blank" href="/place?placename=Sena&groupId=968&placeId=1716">Sena</a> is not pressed, a decision between the two banks will depend in part on Hasdrubal's purpose in disengaging; and this will link up with the message he had sent to Hannibal. Livy (xxvii. 43. 8) records that before setting out north Nero dispatched a letter to the Senate: 'monet ut cum in Umbria se occursurum Hasdrubal fratri scribat, legionem a Capua Romam arcessant, dilectum Romae habeant, exercitum urbanum ad Narniam hosti opponant'. As Kromayer observes (AS, iii. 1. 447– 8), Umbria can include areas on both sides of the <a class="linkToPlace" target="_blank" href="/place?placename=Apennines&groupId=343&placeId=664">Apennines</a> (cf. ii. 16. 3 n.). But his argument that <a class="linkToPlace" target="_blank" href="/place?placename=Narnia&groupId=787&placeId=1424">Narnia</a> was the southern frontier of Umbria hardly explains why the Senate were to advance troops from <a class="linkToPlace" target="_blank" href="/place?placename=Rome&groupId=935&placeId=1669">Rome</a> only to that point, if from the intercepted letter the consul had in fact deduced a projected meeting on the Adriatic coast. Nero's letter to the Senate strongly favours the view that Hasdrubal proposed meeting his brother west of the <a class="linkToPlace" target="_blank" href="/place?placename=Apennines&groupId=343&placeId=664">Apennines</a>.</p> <p rend="Plain Text"> If this is so, it is not clear why he should have advanced as far as <a class="linkToPlace" target="_blank" href="/place?placename=Sena&groupId=968&placeId=1716">Sena</a>, since the obvious route for a march into Umbria was the Via Flaminia, which leaves the Adriatic at Fanum, north of the Metaurus mouth. Kromayer (AS, iii. 1. 441–2) stresses the difficulties of the Via Flaminia, in particular the dangerous gorge at the Furlo Pass; but these could be surmounted by holding the defiles in advance with light troops, and the advantages of a made road for a full <milestone unit="page" n="268">[268]</milestone> army including elephants would easily outweigh such difficulties of terrain (cf. De Sanctis, iii. 2. 564–5). These considerations seem to favour the view that the rival armies were encamped near Fanum, and perhaps (though not necessarily) one on either side of the Metaurus (if the flumen unde aquabantur (Livy, xxvii. 47. 2) is that river). But Hasdrubal's withdrawal creates difficulties on any hypothesis. Our sources are not agreed on its purpose. According to Appian, Hann. 52, <w lang="el-GR">οὔ πω μάχεσθαι κεκρικώς, ἀλλὰ τῷ ἀδελφῷ συνελθεῖν ἐπειγόμενος, ὑπεχώρει</w>. Kromayer (AS, iii. 1. 474) translates this: 'der . . . wich zurck, indem er mit seinem Bruder zusammenkommen wollte'; but this misses the force of <w lang="el-GR">ἐπειγόμενος</w>, which seems to support the view that Hasdrubal withdrew as part of a plan to join Hannibal in Umbria. Zonaras (ix. 9) says that Hasdrubal <w lang="el-GR">ἔ γνω πρὸς τοὺς Γαλάτας ἀναχωρῆσαι καὶ ἔ κει τὰ περὶ τὸν ἀδελφὸν ἀκριβώσασθαι</w>; but a retreat to the Po valley would be excessively timorous for a Barcid. Livy (xxvii. 47) does not refer to Hasdrubal's purpose at all. General considerations then seem to favour Appian's view, which implies a meeting with Hannibal in Umbria; but clearly the evidence here is not decisive. More difficult is the detailed account of the withdrawal, when according to Livy (xxvii. 47. 11) Hasdrubal was in search of a ford over the Metaurus. If his camp lay south of the river, he had already crossed it and it is not clear why he found it so hard to go back the way he had come, even if the ford lay some way upstream to avoid the marshes mentioned by Appian (Hann. 52). But if his camp was north of the Metaurus, it becomes impossible to reconcile the long march per tortuosi amnis sinus flexusque described by Livy (xxvii. 47. 10–11) and Appian (Hann. 52) with an advance up the left bank, where the Via Flaminia must have facilitated a night march, and where one may assume a bridge at Calmazzo. </p> <p rend="Plain Text">Kahrstedt's assertion (iii. 310 that the whole of Hasdrubal's nightmarch is an annalistic invention (cf. 1. 2 n.) may appear drastic; but if Hasdrubal's camp stood on the left bank of the Metaurus, Livy's account is at least considerably embellished and worked over by annalists. The theme is typical of Hellenistic <w lang="el-GR">ἔκφρασις</w>. At most Hasdrubal may have made a detour to avoid detection before gaining his obvious route, the Via Flaminia. Nothing can be deduced from the story of the two guides who deserted, one to swim the Metaurus at a well-known ford, the other to hide in destinatis iam animo latebris (Livy, xxvii. 47. 9). This has been used to prove that Hasdrubal was on the left bank (hence the first guide swam the river to join the Romans), and the contrary (since the second guide had already marked out his hiding-place on the way south); but if the guides were local men, both conclusions break down.</p> <p rend="Plain Text"> Livy's account, which clearly contains non-Polybian material and <milestone unit="page" n="269">[269]</milestone> several inaccuracies, may well be unreliable on the night march. Moreover, if Hasdrubal proposed to meet Hannibal in Umbria, an advance as far as <a class="linkToPlace" target="_blank" href="/place?placename=Sena&groupId=968&placeId=1716">Sena</a> is hard to accept. Hence on balance, it seems more likely that his camp lay north of the Metaurus. But the evidence is finely balanced and certainty not possible. Hence it seems futile to attempt to locate the exact site of the battle. The main sites proposed have been (a) north of the Metaurus, moving westward: La Lucrezia, Borgaccio, M. Sterpette, Calmazzo, and San Silvestro; (b) south of the Metaurus: San Angelo, Cerasa, Monte Maggiore, Montebello, Tombacchia, and Vago Colle. </p> <p rend="Plain Text"> Bibliography: Kromayer, AS, iii. 1. 424–6 (full discussion, pp. 426–94), with Karten 4 and 10;; iv. 625; Schlachtenatlas, Röm. Abt., 7. 8 with commentary); Hallward, CAH, viii. 727; De Sanctis, iii. 2. 562–7. The following studies have been published locally in <a class="linkToPlace" target="_blank" href="/place?placename=Italy&groupId=656&placeId=1199">Italy</a> (non vidi): A. Bianchini, La battaglia del Metauro (Pesaro, 1934); G. Bonarelli, La battaglia di Metauro, i. (Ancona, 1942); G. Boroni, Dissertazione sulla battaglia del Metauro (Fano, 1940); Le diverse tesi sulla battaglia del Metauro (Urbania, 1953; cf. M. Fivez, Latomus, 1954, 494); N. Alfieri, Topografia della battaglia del Metauro (Fabriano, 1941; = Rend. Ist. March. Sci. Lett. Arti, 15–16, 1939–40, publ. 1941, pp. 91–136; cf. Rend. Acc. Sci. Ist. Bologna <emph rend="superscript">4</emph> , 5, 1942, 93–104); G. Rossi, La battaglia del Metauro, ricostruita sul luogo col testo di T. Livio (Fano, 1928); La battaglia del Metauro combattuta fra i Romani e i Cartaginesi nell'anno 207 a.C. ricostruita sul luogo col testo di Tito Livio, xxvii. 43–51 (Pesaro, 1939); Teatro della battaglia del Metauro ricostruito . . . col testo di Tito Livio e documentato da iscrizioni . . ., da molte tombe romane . . . e da carcami di elefanti ecc. (Fano, 1939). </p>
11.1.12 - 11.1.12
<p rend="Plain Text">Fate of the elephants. Livy, xxvii. 49. 1–2, records that many were killed by their mahouts, who drove a chisel behind their ears with a mallet. This story, with its pathetic note, cannot be reconciled with P.'s precise details.</p>
Specifics
11.1.1 - 11.1.1
<p rend="Plain Text"> <emph rend="bold"><w lang="el-GR">ἐν ταύτῇ τῇ βίβλῳ</w>:</emph> probably, as Bttner-Wobst suggests, the epitomator's words, since <w lang="el-GR">βίβλος (βύβλος)</w> must mean a book, not the whole work. Birt (Buchwesen, 142 n. 1) proposed adding <w lang="el-GR">καὶ ἐν ταῖς πρὸ ταύτης</w>; but this is unconvincing. Orelli's <w lang="el-GR">ἐν ταυτῇ τῇ πραγματείᾳ</w> or Bttner-Wobst's <w lang="el-GR">ἐν ὅλῃ τῇ συντάξει</w> gives the required sense. </p> <p rend="Plain Text"> <emph rend="bold"><w lang="el-GR">καθάπερ οἱ πρὸ ἡμῶν</w>:</emph> if, as this suggests, <w lang="el-GR">προγραφαί</w> preceded the books of previous historians, they have rarely survived. The prefaces to Xenophon's Anabasis, ii–vii, summarize the contents of the previous book, and are not <w lang="el-GR">προγραφαί</w> at all; but one can form some impression of a <w lang="el-GR">προγραφή</w> from FGH, 577 F 1 (= P. Oxy. 665), which is probably the <w lang="el-GR">προγραφή</w> to a work on Sicilian history (Philistus?), and from FGH, 115 F 103 and 217, which are either <w lang="el-GR">προγραφαί</w> or epitomes of books xii and xlvii of Theopompus' Philippica. Examples survive in Diodorus. </p> <p rend="Plain Text"> <emph rend="bold"><w lang="el-GR">ἀλλὰ καὶ προεκθέσεις</w>:</emph> on <w lang="el-GR">προεκθέσεις</w> see above. <w lang="el-GR">καὶ</w> will be 'simply' (cf. J. Denniston, The Greek Particles <emph rend="superscript">2</emph> (Oxford, 1954), 320, quoting Herod. ix. 27. 5; Lys. xxv. 13). <milestone unit="page" n="266">[266]</milestone> </p>
11.1.2 - 11.1.2
<p rend="Plain Text"> <emph rend="bold"><w lang="el-GR">εἰς ἐπίστασιν ἄγει κτλ</w>:</emph> cf. xiv. 1 a 1, <w lang="el-GR">εἰς ἐπίστασιν ἄγουσι τοὺς ἐντυγχάνοντας καὶ διὰ τὸ πλῆθος καὶ διὰ τὸ μέ γεθος τῶν γεγονότων</w>. </p>
11.1.3 - 11.1.3
<p rend="Plain Text"> <emph rend="bold"><w lang="el-GR">ὀλιγωρούμενον καὶ φθειρόμενον</w>:</emph> 'they are held in little account and get destroyed'. This is a general characteristic of <w lang="el-GR">προγραφαί</w>, and not something which has recently come about as Paton's translation implies: 'as I saw that . . . prologues were now neglected and had degenerated in style'. <w lang="el-GR">φθειρόμενον</w> refers, not to style (so Pdech, Mthode, 510 n. 78), but to the loss of <w lang="el-GR">προγραφαί</w> (see above, 1 a n.). </p>
11.1.5 - 11.1.5
<p rend="Plain Text"> <emph rend="bold"><w lang="el-GR">πλὴν ἓξ τῶν πρώτων βυβλίων</w>:</emph> for the reading in M (resembling according to Hultsch) Mai read <w lang="el-GR">ʹ</w> and Cobet <w lang="el-GR">ʹ</w>; but there were special reasons for not giving <w lang="el-GR">προεκθέσεις καθ</w>f <w lang="el-GR">ἑκάστην ὀλυμπιάδα</w> to books i–vi. i and ii were introductory, vi was an account of the constitution, army, etc., and iii-v dealt exceptionally with a single Olympiad. iii could have had a <w lang="el-GR">προέκθεσις</w> to Ol. 140, but instead P. chose to prefix an introduction to the whole work (cf. iii. 1. 5 n.), just as he had included a <w lang="el-GR">προέκθεσις</w> of the <w lang="el-GR">προκατασκευή</w> in i. 13. 1–5. The <w lang="el-GR">προγραφαί</w>, now lost, were a substitute, giving the contents of the first six books (cf. 1 a n.). </p>
11.1.1 - 11.1.1
<p rend="Plain Text"> <emph rend="bold"><w lang="el-GR">πολὺ ῥαδιεστέραν καὶ συντομωτέραν</w>:</emph> cf. Livy, xxvii. 39. 6, 'Hasdrubali et sua et aliorum spe celeriora atque expeditiora fuere'. Paton translates 'much easier and more rapid than Hannibal's had been'; but the Livian parallel suggests 'easier and more rapid than was expected'. The reasons given by Livy are that the inhabitants proved more friendly than when Hannibal crossed, some even joining Hasdrubal's army. Appian (Hann. 52) says the crossing took two months. De Sanctis (iii. 2. 574–5) argues convincingly that Hasdrubal reached the Po valley in May, and that the battle of Metaurus took place at the end of June or early in July (allowing for the siege of <a class="linkToPlace" target="_blank" href="/place?placename=Placentia&groupId=907&placeId=1630">Placentia</a> (Livy, xxvii. 39. 11) and a march of just </p> <p rend="Plain Text"> over 300 miles from Turin to Fanum). Ovid, Fasti, vi. 770, refers to 22 June an occasion when cecidit telis Hasdrubal ipse suis. De Sanctis (loc. cit.) refers this to the defeat of Hasdrubal, son of Gisgo, at the battle of the Great Plains, but his arguments are unconvincing; and though it may seem difficult to apply these words of Ovid to <milestone unit="page" n="270">[270]</milestone> Hasdrubal's death at the Metaurus, P. certainly uses this as a peg on which to hang what is really a sermon on the permissibility of suicide in certain circumstances. Moreover, if the calendar was running true to the sun in 207 (which we do not know), the date would fit general probabilities. For discussion of Ovid, Fasti, vi. 770, see Scullard, Scip. 324–5. </p> <p rend="Plain Text"> <emph rend="bold"><w lang="el-GR">ὀρθὴ καὶ περίφοβος</w>:</emph> cf. Livy, xxvii. 40. 1 ff. for tension at <a class="linkToPlace" target="_blank" href="/place?placename=Rome&groupId=935&placeId=1669">Rome</a> on Hasdrubal's approach. </p>
11.1.2 - 11.1.2
<p rend="Plain Text"> <emph rend="bold"><w lang="el-GR">τούτων μὲν ἤρεσκεν οὐδέν</w>:</emph> what displeased Hasdrubal is not clear. Kahrstedt's assumption (iii. 310) that it is his realization that the enemy were reinforced is designed to support his theory that Hasdrubal's night march (Livy, xxvii. 47. 8–11; App. Hann. 52) is sheer annalistic invention. De Sanctis (iii. 2. 562–3) suggests more plausibly that Hasdrubal was displeased at the drunkenness among the Celts (cf. 3. 1). But <w lang="el-GR">τούτων . . . οὐδέν</w> implies more than one factor; and another may be the general disorder in which his troops now found themselves (cf. Livy, xxvii. 47. 9, 'fessique aliquot somno ac uigiliis sternunt corpora passim atque infrequentia relinquunt signa'). Hesselbarth (549) suggests that fg. 40 refers to the drunkenness of the Celts and should be inserted between 1. 1 and 1. 2 (cf. De Sanctis, iii. 2. 563). </p> <p rend="Plain Text"> <emph rend="bold"><w lang="el-GR">ἐκτεταγμένους καὶ προσάγοντας</w>:</emph> cf. Livy, xxvii. 48. 3, 'aduenit Liuius peditum omnibus copiis non itineris modo sed ad conserendum extemplo proelium instructis armatisque'. According to Livy (xxvii. 48. 2 and 5) Hasdrubal was trying to fortify a camp in tumulo super fluminis ripam, but was forced to abandon this on the Roman attack. </p> <p rend="Plain Text"> <emph rend="bold"><w lang="el-GR">τοὺς Ἴβηρας καὶ τοὺς μετ</w>f <w lang="el-GR">αὐτοῦ? γεγονότας Γαλάτας</w>:</emph> according to Livy (xxvii. 48. 5–6) Hasdrubal put his Gauls on the left facing Nero, and himself took up station on the right (see below, § 3 n.) against Livius. </p>
11.1.3 - 11.1.3
<p rend="Plain Text"> <emph rend="bold"><w lang="el-GR">τὰ θηρία . . . δέκα</w>:</emph> cf. Livy, xxvii. 48. 5, 'in prima acie ante signa elephantos conlocat'. Livy places Ligurians in the centre, and the elephants in front of these, whereas according to P. there is only a deep-massed Punic right led by Hasdrubal, with the elephants in front, and the Gauls on the left. Livy thus fails to make clear the desperate character of Hasdrubal's formation <w lang="el-GR">(νικᾶν ἢ θνήσκειν)</w>, which was designed to stake all on the right; cf. Kromayer, AS, iii. 1. 465 n. 1. </p> <p rend="Plain Text"> <emph rend="bold"><w lang="el-GR">κατὰ τὴν τῶν θηρίων προστασίαν</w>:</emph> 'at the point where the elephants formed the front'. </p>
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<p rend="Plain Text"> <emph rend="bold"><w lang="el-GR">ὁ . . . Λίβιος</w>:</emph> M. Livius M.f. M.n. Salinator, consul for 207 and, previously, 219; cf. Mnzer, RE, 'Livius (Salinator) (33)', cols. 891–9. Livius had been out of politics since his condemnation for misuse of the booty in the Second Illyrian War (cf. iii. 19. 12 n.; Livy, xxvii. 34. 4). On the background of his election now see Scullard, Pol. 72–73. </p> <p rend="Plain Text"> <emph rend="bold"><w lang="el-GR">ἀντεπῄει τοῖς πολεμίοις σοβαρῶς</w>:</emph> cf. iii. 72. 13 (Sempronius at <milestone unit="page" n="271">[271]</milestone> <a class="linkToPlace" target="_blank" href="/place?placename=Trebia&groupId=1044&placeId=1838">Trebia</a>), xv. 12. 17 (the phalanxes at Zama), xviii. 23. 7 (Flamininus at Cynoscephalae). </p>
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<p rend="Plain Text"> <emph rend="bold"><w lang="el-GR">ὁ δὲ Κλαύδιος</w>:</emph> C. Claudius Ti.f. Ti.n. Nero, the other consul; cf. Mnzer, RE, 'Claudius (296)', cols. 2774–6. By a slip Paton refers to him both here and in § 10 as Marcellus. </p> <p rend="Plain Text"> <emph rend="bold"><w lang="el-GR">περικερᾶν . . . οὐκ ἐδύνατο</w>:</emph> i.e. advance into the gap between Hasdrubal's Gallic left and his advancing right, and strike the latter on its left flank. </p>
11.1.7 - 11.1.7
<p rend="Plain Text"> <emph rend="bold"><w lang="el-GR">κατὰ τὸν ὄπισθεν τόπον τῆς μάχης</w>:</emph> 'in the rear of the field'; P. probably means that Nero took men from the rear of the right wing, to hide his intentions from the enemy. Thus not all the right took part in this manuvre. Kromayer, AS, iii. 1. 471, translates: 'deshalb zog er seine Soldaten vom rechten Flgel hinter der Schlachtreihe herum': this is not easily extracted from <w lang="el-GR">παραδεξάμενος . . . κατὰ τὸν ὄπισθεν τόπον τῆς μάχης</w>. </p> <p rend="Plain Text"> <emph rend="bold"><w lang="el-GR">τὸ λαιὸν ὑπεράρας τῆς ἰδίας παρεμβολῆς</w>:</emph> 'passing round the Roman battle-line to the left'. Claudius took men from the inactive right wing, assembled them in the rear and led them round (to the left of) the Roman left, which was now engaging Hasdrubal's main forces. Paton renders <w lang="el-GR">παρεμβολῆς</w> as 'camp', which is nonsense. </p> <p rend="Plain Text"> <emph rend="bold"><w lang="el-GR">κατὰ κέρας . . . ἐπὶ τὰ θηρία</w>:</emph> i.e. he struck the front of the Punic line on its right flank; cf. Livy, xxvii. 48. 13–14, 'cohortes aliquot subductas e dextro cornu ... post aciem circumducit, et non hostibus modo sed etiam suis inopinantibus in sinistrum 〈euectus in dextrum〉 hostium latus incurrit' (where euectus in dextrum is Conway's addition, but the sense is clear, since the advancing troops subsequently reach the Gauls who are on Hasdrubal's left). </p>
11.1.8 - 11.1.8
<p rend="Plain Text"> <emph rend="bold"><w lang="el-GR">κοινὴν ἀμφοῖν παρείχοντο τὴν χρείαν ἐν τῇ μάχῃ</w>:</emph> 'they contributed to the fighting an element which affected both sides equally'; <w lang="el-GR">χρεία</w> here is 'fighting' rather than 'use', for they were a disadvantage to both lines. </p>
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<p rend="Plain Text"> <emph rend="bold"><w lang="el-GR">ἅμα δὲ τῷ . . . προσπεσεῖν κατ</w>f <w lang="el-GR">οὐράν</w>:</emph> in § 7 they are attacking Hasdrubal's flank, now they have got round to his rear; cf. Livy, xxvii. 48. 14, 'tantaque celeritas fuit ut cum ostendissent se ab latere mox in terga iam pugnarent'. There is much to be said for Schweighaeuser's 〈<w lang="el-GR">καὶ</w>〉&gt; <w lang="el-GR">κατ</w>f <w lang="el-GR">οὐράν</w>. </p>

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