Polybius, Histories

Translation

Book 20 - Chapter 9

<w lemma="%2A%28%2Foti">Ὅτι</w> <w lemma="oi%28">οἱ</w> <w lemma="peri%5C">περὶ</w> <w lemma="to%5Cn">τὸν</w> <w lemma="%2Afaine%2Fan">Φαινέαν</w> <w lemma="to%5Cn">τὸν</w> <w lemma="tw%3Dn">τῶν</w> <w lemma="%2Aai%29twlw%3Dn">Αἰτωλῶν</w> <w lemma="strathgo%5Cn">στρατηγὸν</w> <w lemma="meta%5C">μετὰ</w> <w lemma="to%5C">τὸ</w> <w lemma="gene%2Fsqai">γενέσθαι</w> <w lemma="th%5Cn">τὴν</w> <w lemma="%2A%28hra%2Fkleian">Ἡράκλειαν</w> <w lemma="u%28poxei%2Frion">ὑποχείριον</w> <w lemma="toi%3Ds">τοῖς</w> <w lemma="%2A%28rwmai%2Fois">Ῥωμαίοις</w>, <w lemma="o%28rw%3Dntes">ὁρῶντες</w> <w lemma="to%5Cn">τὸν</w> <w lemma="periestw%3Dta">περιεστῶτα</w> <w lemma="kairo%5Cn">καιρὸν</w> <w lemma="th%5Cn">τὴν</w> <w lemma="%2Aai%29twli%2Fan">Αἰτωλίαν</w> <w lemma="kai%5C">καὶ</w> <w lemma="lamba%2Fnontes">λαμβάνοντες</w> <w lemma="pro%5C">πρὸ</w> <w lemma="o%29fqalmw%3Dn">ὀφθαλμῶν</w> <w lemma="ta%5C">τὰ</w> <w lemma="sumbhso%2Fmena">συμβησόμενα</w> <w lemma="tai%3Ds">ταῖς</w> <w lemma="a%29%2Fllais">ἄλλαις</w> <w lemma="po%2Flesin">πόλεσιν</w>, <w lemma="e%29%2Fkrinan">ἔκριναν</w> <w lemma="diape%2Fmpesqai">διαπέμπεσθαι</w> <w lemma="pro%5Cs">πρὸς</w> <w lemma="to%5Cn">τὸν</w> <w lemma="%2Ama%2Fnion">Μάνιον</w> <w lemma="u%28pe%5Cr">ὑπὲρ</w> <w lemma="a%29noxw%3Dn">ἀνοχῶν</w> <w lemma="kai%5C">καὶ</w> <w lemma="dialu%2Fsews">διαλύσεως</w>.

<w lemma="tau%3Dta">ταῦτα</w> <w lemma="de%5C">δὲ</w> <w lemma="dialabo%2Fntes">διαλαβόντες</w> <w lemma="e%29cape%2Fsteilan">ἐξαπέστειλαν</w> <w lemma="%2A%29arxe%2Fdamon">Ἀρχέδαμον</w> <w lemma="kai%5C">καὶ</w> <w lemma="%2Apantale%2Fonta">Πανταλέοντα</w> <w lemma="kai%5C">καὶ</w> <w lemma="%2Axa%2Flepon:">Χάλεπον·</w>

<w lemma="oi%28%5C">οἳ</w> <w lemma="summi%2Fcantes">συμμίξαντες</w> <w lemma="tw%3D%7C">τῷ</w> <w lemma="strathgw%3D%7C">στρατηγῷ</w> <w lemma="tw%3Dn">τῶν</w> <w lemma="%2A%28rwmai%2Fwn">Ῥωμαίων</w> <w lemma="proe%2Fqento">προέθεντο</w> <w lemma="me%5Cn">μὲν</w> <w lemma="kai%5C">καὶ</w> <w lemma="plei%2Fous">πλείους</w> <w lemma="poiei%3Dsqai">ποιεῖσθαι</w> <w lemma="lo%2Fgous">λόγους</w>, <w lemma="mesolabhqe%2Fntes">μεσολαβηθέντες</w> <w lemma="de%5C">δὲ</w> <w lemma="kata%5C">κατὰ</w> <w lemma="th%5Cn">τὴν</w> <w lemma="e%29%2Fnteucin">ἔντευξιν</w> <w lemma="e%29kwlu%2Fqhsan">ἐκωλύθησαν</w>.

<w lemma="o%28">ὁ</w> <w lemma="ga%5Cr">γὰρ</w> <w lemma="%2Ama%2Fnios">Μάνιος</w> <w lemma="kata%5C">κατὰ</w> <w lemma="me%5Cn">μὲν</w> <w lemma="to%5C">τὸ</w> <w lemma="paro%5Cn">παρὸν</w> <w lemma="ou%29k">οὐκ</w> <w lemma="e%29%2Ffasken">ἔφασκεν</w> <w lemma="eu%29kairei%3Dn">εὐκαιρεῖν</w>, <w lemma="perispw%2Fmenos">περισπώμενος</w> <w lemma="u%28po%5C">ὑπὸ</w> <w lemma="th%3Ds">τῆς</w> <w lemma="tw%3Dn">τῶν</w> <w lemma="e%29k">ἐκ</w> <w lemma="th%3Ds">τῆς</w> <w lemma="%2A%28hraklei%2Fas">Ἡρακλείας</w> <w lemma="lafu%2Frwn">λαφύρων</w> <w lemma="oi%29konomi%2Fas:">οἰκονομίας·</w>

<w lemma="dexhme%2Frous">δεχημέρους</w> <w lemma="de%5C">δὲ</w> <w lemma="poihsa%2Fmenos">ποιησάμενος</w> <w lemma="a%29noxa%5Cs">ἀνοχὰς</w> <w lemma="e%29kpe%2Fmyein">ἐκπέμψειν</w> <w lemma="e%29%2Ffh">ἔφη</w> <w lemma="met%27">μετ᾽</w> <w lemma="au%29tw%3Dn">αὐτῶν</w> <w lemma="%2Aleu%2Fkion">Λεύκιον</w>, <w lemma="pro%5Cs">πρὸς</w> <w lemma="o%28%5Cn">ὃν</w> <w lemma="e%29ke%2Fleue">ἐκέλευε</w> <w lemma="le%2Fgein">λέγειν</w> <w lemma="u%28pe%5Cr">ὑπὲρ</w> <w lemma="w%28%3Dn">ὧν</w> <w lemma="a%29%5Cn">ἂν</w> <w lemma="de%2Fointo">δέοιντο</w>.

<w lemma="genome%2Fnwn">γενομένων</w> <w lemma="de%5C">δὲ</w> <w lemma="tw%3Dn">τῶν</w> <w lemma="a%29noxw%3Dn">ἀνοχῶν</w>, <w lemma="kai%5C">καὶ</w> <w lemma="tou%3D">τοῦ</w> <w lemma="%2Aleuki%2Fou">Λευκίου</w> <w lemma="sunelqo%2Fntos">συνελθόντος</w> <w lemma="ei%29s">εἰς</w> <w lemma="th%5Cn">τὴν</w> <w lemma="%2A%28upa%2Ftan">Ὑπάταν</w>, <w lemma="e%29ge%2Fnonto">ἐγένοντο</w> <w lemma="lo%2Fgoi">λόγοι</w> <w lemma="kai%5C">καὶ</w> <w lemma="plei%2Fous">πλείους</w> <w lemma="u%28pe%5Cr">ὑπὲρ</w> <w lemma="tw%3Dn">τῶν</w> <w lemma="e%29nestw%2Ftwn">ἐνεστώτων</w>.

<w lemma="oi%28">οἱ</w> <w lemma="me%5Cn">μὲν</w> <w lemma="ou%29%3Dn">οὖν</w> <w lemma="%2Aai%29twloi%5C">Αἰτωλοὶ</w> <w lemma="suni%2Fstanto">συνίσταντο</w> <w lemma="th%5Cn">τὴν</w> <w lemma="dikaiologi%2Fan">δικαιολογίαν</w> <w lemma="a%29ne%2Fkaqen">ἀνέκαθεν</w> <w lemma="profero%2Fmenoi">προφερόμενοι</w> <w lemma="ta%5C">τὰ</w> <w lemma="progegono%2Fta">προγεγονότα</w> <w lemma="sfi%2Fsi">σφίσι</w> <w lemma="fila%2Fnqrwpa">φιλάνθρωπα</w> <w lemma="pro%5Cs">πρὸς</w> <w lemma="tou%5Cs">τοὺς</w> <w lemma="%2A%28rwmai%2Fous:">Ῥωμαίους·</w>

<w lemma="o%28">ὁ</w> <w lemma="de%5C">δὲ</w> <w lemma="%2Aleu%2Fkios">Λεύκιος</w> <w lemma="e%29pitemw%5Cn">ἐπιτεμὼν</w> <w lemma="au%29tw%3Dn">αὐτῶν</w> <w lemma="th%5Cn">τὴν</w> <w lemma="o%28rmh%5Cn">ὁρμὴν</w> <w lemma="ou%29k">οὐκ</w> <w lemma="e%29%2Ffh">ἔφη</w> <w lemma="toi%3Ds">τοῖς</w> <w lemma="parou%3Dsi">παροῦσι</w> <w lemma="kairoi%3Ds">καιροῖς</w> <w lemma="a%28rmo%2Fzein">ἁρμόζειν</w> <w lemma="tou%3Dto">τοῦτο</w> <w lemma="to%5C">τὸ</w> <w lemma="ge%2Fnos">γένος</w> <w lemma="th%3Ds">τῆς</w> <w lemma="dikaiologi%2Fas:">δικαιολογίας·</w> <w lemma="lelume%2Fnwn">λελυμένων</w> <w lemma="ga%5Cr">γὰρ</w> <w lemma="tw%3Dn">τῶν</w> <w lemma="e%29c">ἐξ</w> <w lemma="a%29rxh%3Ds">ἀρχῆς</w> <w lemma="filanqrw%2Fpwn">φιλανθρώπων</w> <w lemma="di%27">δι᾽</w> <w lemma="e%29kei%2Fnous">ἐκείνους</w>, <w lemma="kai%5C">καὶ</w> <w lemma="th%3Ds">τῆς</w> <w lemma="e%29nestw%2Fshs">ἐνεστώσης</w> <w lemma="e%29%2Fxqras">ἔχθρας</w> <w lemma="di%27">δι᾽</w> <w lemma="%2Aai%29twlou%5Cs">Αἰτωλοὺς</w> <w lemma="gegenhme%2Fnhs">γεγενημένης</w>, <w lemma="ou%29de%5Cn">οὐδὲν</w> <w lemma="e%29%2Fti">ἔτι</w> <w lemma="sumba%2Fllesqai">συμβάλλεσθαι</w> <w lemma="ta%5C">τὰ</w> <w lemma="to%2Fte">τότε</w> <w lemma="fila%2Fnqrwpa">φιλάνθρωπα</w> <w lemma="pro%5Cs">πρὸς</w> <w lemma="tou%5Cs">τοὺς</w> <w lemma="nu%3Dn">νῦν</w> <w lemma="kairou%2Fs">καιρούς</w>.

<w lemma="dio%2Fper">διόπερ</w> <w lemma="a%29feme%2Fnous">ἀφεμένους</w> <w lemma="tou%3D">τοῦ</w> <w lemma="dikaiologei%3Dsqai">δικαιολογεῖσθαι</w> <w lemma="sunebou%2Fleue">συνεβούλευε</w> <w lemma="tre%2Fpesqai">τρέπεσθαι</w> <w lemma="pro%5Cs">πρὸς</w> <w lemma="to%5Cn">τὸν</w> <w lemma="a%29ciwmatiko%5Cn">ἀξιωματικὸν</w> <w lemma="lo%2Fgon">λόγον</w> <w lemma="kai%5C">καὶ</w> <w lemma="dei%3Dsqai">δεῖσθαι</w> <w lemma="tou%3D">τοῦ</w> <w lemma="strathgou%3D">στρατηγοῦ</w> <w lemma="suggnw%2Fmhs">συγγνώμης</w> <w lemma="tuxei%3Dn">τυχεῖν</w> <w lemma="e%29pi%5C">ἐπὶ</w> <w lemma="toi%3Ds">τοῖς</w> <w lemma="h%28marthme%2Fnois">ἡμαρτημένοις</w>.

<w lemma="oi%28">οἱ</w> <w lemma="d%27">δ᾽</w> <w lemma="%2Aai%29twloi%5C">Αἰτωλοὶ</w> <w lemma="kai%5C">καὶ</w> <w lemma="plei%2Fw">πλείω</w> <w lemma="lo%2Fgon">λόγον</w> <w lemma="poihsa%2Fmenoi">ποιησάμενοι</w> <w lemma="peri%5C">περὶ</w> <w lemma="tw%3Dn">τῶν</w> <w lemma="u%28popipto%2Fntwn">ὑποπιπτόντων</w> <w lemma="e%29%2Fkrinan">ἔκριναν</w> <w lemma="e%29pitre%2Fpein">ἐπιτρέπειν</w> <w lemma="ta%5C">τὰ</w> <w lemma="o%28%2Fla">ὅλα</w> <w lemma="%2Amani%2Fw%7C">Μανίῳ</w>, <w lemma="do%2Fntes">δόντες</w> <w lemma="au%28tou%5Cs">αὑτοὺς</w> <w lemma="ei%29s">εἰς</w> <w lemma="th%5Cn">τὴν</w> <w lemma="%2A%28rwmai%2Fwn">Ῥωμαίων</w> <w lemma="pi%2Fstin">πίστιν</w>,

<w lemma="ou%29k">οὐκ</w> <w lemma="ei%29do%2Ftes">εἰδότες</w> <w lemma="ti%2Fna">τίνα</w> <w lemma="du%2Fnamin">δύναμιν</w> <w lemma="e%29%2Fxei">ἔχει</w> <w lemma="tou%3Dto">τοῦτο</w>, <w lemma="tw%3D%7C">τῷ</w> <w lemma="de%5C">δὲ</w> <w lemma="th%3Ds">τῆς</w> <w lemma="pi%2Fstews">πίστεως</w> <w lemma="o%29no%2Fmati">ὀνόματι</w> <w lemma="planhqe%2Fntes">πλανηθέντες</w>, <w lemma="w%28s">ὡς</w> <w lemma="a%29%5Cn">ἂν</w> <w lemma="dia%5C">διὰ</w> <w lemma="tou%3Dto">τοῦτο</w> <w lemma="teleiote%2Frou">τελειοτέρου</w> <w lemma="sfi%2Fsin">σφίσιν</w> <w lemma="e%29le%2Fous">ἐλέους</w> <w lemma="u%28pa%2Frcontos">ὑπάρξοντος</w>.

<w lemma="para%5C">παρὰ</w> <w lemma="de%5C">δὲ</w> <w lemma="%2A%28rwmai%2Fois">Ῥωμαίοις</w> <w lemma="i%29sodunamei%3D">ἰσοδυναμεῖ</w> <w lemma="to%2F">τό</w> <w lemma="t%27">τ᾽</w> <w lemma="ei%29s">εἰς</w> <w lemma="th%5Cn">τὴν</w> <w lemma="pi%2Fstin">πίστιν</w> <w lemma="au%28to%5Cn">αὑτὸν</w> <w lemma="e%29gxeiri%2Fsai">ἐγχειρίσαι</w> <w lemma="kai%5C">καὶ</w> <w lemma="to%5C">τὸ</w> <w lemma="th%5Cn">τὴν</w> <w lemma="e%29pitroph%5Cn">ἐπιτροπὴν</w> <w lemma="dou%3Dnai">δοῦναι</w> <w lemma="peri%5C">περὶ</w> <w lemma="au%28tou%3D">αὑτοῦ</w> <w lemma="tw%3D%7C">τῷ</w> <w lemma="kratou%3Dnti">κρατοῦντι</w>.

<head>Battle of Thermopylae</head><head>The Aetolians make Peace</head>After <a class="linkToPlace" target="_blank" href="/place?placename=Heraclea&groupId=624&placeId=1147">Heraclea</a> had fallen into the hands of the Romans, Phaeneas, the strategus of the Aetolians, seeing Aetolia threatened with peril on all sides and realizing what was likely to happen to the other towns, decided to send an embassy to Manius Acilius Glabrio to beg for an armistice and peace.

Having resolved on this he dispatched Archedamus, Pantaleon, and Chalepus.

They had intended on meeting the Roman general to address him at length, but at the interview they were cut short and prevented from doing so.

For Glabrio told them that for the present he had no time as he was occupied by the disposal of the booty from <a class="linkToPlace" target="_blank" href="/place?placename=Heraclea&groupId=624&placeId=1147">Heraclea</a>, but granting them a ten days\' armistice, he said he would send back with them Lucius Valerius Flaccus, to whom he begged them to submit their request.

The armistice having been made, and Flaccus having met them at <a class="linkToPlace" target="_blank" href="/place?placename=Hypata&groupId=637&placeId=1169">Hypata</a>, there was considerable discussion of the situation.

The Aetolians, in making out their case, went back to the very beginning, reciting all their former deeds of kindness to the Romans,

but Flaccus cut the flood of their eloquence short by saying that this sort of pleading did not suit present circumstances. For as it was they who had broken off their originally kind relations, and as their present enmity was entirely their own fault, former deeds of kindness no longer counted as an asset.

Therefore he advised them to leave off trying to justify themselves and resort rather to deprecatory language, begging the consul to grant them pardon for their offences.

The Aetolians, after some further observations about the actual situation, decided to refer the whole matter to Glabrio,

committing themselves "to the faith"<note place="end" resp="tr" id="note4">fides.</note>of the Romans, not knowing the exact meaning of the phrase, but deceived by the word "faith" as if they would thus obtain more complete pardon.

But with the Romans to commit oneself to the faith of a victor is equivalent to surrendering at discretion.

Walbank Commentary

Overview

20.9.1 - 20.11.10

Roman negotiations with the Aetolians (191) After his defeat at Thermopylae (8. 6) in late April 191 (cf. Walbank, Philip, 329–31), Antiochus fled to <a class="linkToPlace" target="_blank" href="/place?placename=Chalcis&groupId=457&placeId=853">Chalcis</a> and thence to Ephesus (8. 5 n.; Livy, xxxvi. 19. 9, 21. 1). The consul, M'. Acilius Glabrio, now began the siege of <a class="linkToPlace" target="_blank" href="/place?placename=Heraclea&groupId=624&placeId=1147">Heraclea</a>, while Philip V, who had recently been active along the Pagasaean coast road, taking Alope, <a class="linkToPlace" target="_blank" href="/place?placename=Larissa&groupId=669&placeId=1224">Larissa</a> Cremaste, Antron, Pteleum and, perhaps, Halus and Phthiotic Thebes (cf. Walbank, Philip, 204 n. 6), simultaneously blockaded <a class="linkToPlace" target="_blank" href="/place?placename=Lamia&groupId=665&placeId=1217">Lamia</a>, seven miles away. Persistent night and day attacks, ending in a midnight assault, brought about the fall of <a class="linkToPlace" target="_blank" href="/place?placename=Heraclea&groupId=624&placeId=1147">Heraclea</a>; but Philip made no headway with his mines at <a class="linkToPlace" target="_blank" href="/place?placename=Lamia&groupId=665&placeId=1217">Lamia</a>, and had to withdraw (Livy, xxxvi. 22. 1–25. 8; Zon. ix. 19; Phleg. Trall., FGH, 257 F 36, 111. 1; Plut. Flam. 15. 3; App. Syr. 21; below, 11. 3 n.). 〈 <emph rend="bold">fg. 82</emph> may stand here; it concerns Philip's attack on <a class="linkToPlace" target="_blank" href="/place?placename=Lamia&groupId=665&placeId=1217">Lamia</a>. 〉

Specifics

20.9.1 - 20.9.1

<emph rend="bold"><w lang="el-GR">Φαινέαν</w>:</emph> see xviii. 1. 4 n. As Aetolian general for 192/1 (cf. Livy, xxxv. 44. 1; GDI, 1989, 1998, 2129–31) he pursued a pro-Roman policy designed to end the war, perhaps influenced by the failure at <a class="linkToPlace" target="_blank" href="/place?placename=Sparta&groupId=660&placeId=1208">Sparta</a> and <a class="linkToPlace" target="_blank" href="/place?placename=Chalcis&groupId=457&placeId=853">Chalcis</a> (see introductory note to this book). It was perhaps through him that the Aetolians gave Antiochus only halfhearted support (Livy, xxxvi. 15. 2–5, 16. 3). <emph rend="bold"><w lang="el-GR">τὴν ῾Ηρά?κλειαν</w>:</emph> <a class="linkToPlace" target="_blank" href="/place?placename=Heraclea&groupId=624&placeId=1147">Heraclea</a> in Trachis stood on an eminence on the left bank of the Asopus, which ran from Oeta down into the Malian Gulf; the Spartans founded it in 426 (Thuc. iii. 92 f.). The lower town spread into the plain to the north. See Sthlin, Hell. Thess. 206–9 (with plan). <emph rend="bold"><w lang="el-GR">ἔκριναν διαπέμπεσθαι πρὸς τὸν Μάνιον</w>: M'.</emph> Acilius C.f. L.n. Glabrio, praetor in 196 and now cos. A.U.C. 563 = 191 along with P. Cornelius Cn.f. L.n. Scipio Nasica; Klebs, RE, 'Acilius (35)', col. 255; ILLRP, 321a; for an inscription recording honours paid to Glabrio by the Delphic Amphictyony see Bousquet, BCH, 1964, 387–8; SEG, xxii. 465. Phaeneas' decision took no account of the fact that before <a class="linkToPlace" target="_blank" href="/place?placename=Heraclea&groupId=624&placeId=1147">Heraclea</a> fell the Aetolians had sent Thoas, Nicander, and other envoys to Ephesus to ask Antiochus for aid (Livy, xxxvi. 26. 1–6; below, 10. 16–11. 1). <milestone unit="page" n="77">[77]</milestone>

20.9.2 - 20.9.2

<emph rend="bold"><w lang="el-GR">Ἀρχέδαμον . . . Πανταλέοντα . . . Χάλεπον</w>:</emph> on Archedamus see xviii. 21. 5 n. ; he was Aetolian general in 191/0 (GDI, 1985–6), 188/7 (GDI, 2132), 182/1 (GDI, 2036–7, 2047), and 175/4 (GDI, 1795, 1843, 1987); cf. De Sanctis, iv. 1. 400–2; Klaffenbach, IG, ix <emph rend="superscript">2</emph> . 1. p. li. Hostile to <a class="linkToPlace" target="_blank" href="/place?placename=Rome&groupId=935&placeId=1669">Rome</a> (xxviii. 4. 8) he later joined Perseus of Macedon and followed him after his defeat (Livy, xliii. 21. 9–22. 11, xliv. 43. 6; Plut. Aem. 23. 3). For the possibility that 'Andronicus, Andronici filius, Aetolus', executed by the Romans after <a class="linkToPlace" target="_blank" href="/place?placename=Pydna&groupId=919&placeId=1647">Pydna</a> (Livy, xlv. 31. 15) is an error for 'Archedamus' see Pdech, Mthode, 267 n. 57; De Sanctis, iv. 1. 350 n. 298 has a different hypothesis. Pantaleon is probably grandson of the Pantaleon who arranged the Achaeo-Aetolian alliance in 239 (ii. 44. 1) and son of Archidamus (for Archidamus and the elder Pantaleon see iv. 57. 7 n.); he was general in 186/5 (GDI, 1844, 1949), in 180/79 (cf. Klaffenbach, IG, ix <emph rend="superscript">2</emph> . 1. p. li) and in 174/3 (GDI, 1856); cf. De Sanctis, iv. 1. 402; Treves, RE, 'Pantaleon (6)', cols. 691–2. See xxviii. 4. 8 f. for his opposition to Lyciscus' pro-Roman policy after Perseus' defeat, and Livy, xlii. 15. 8–10, for his help to Eumenes when the latter was struck by stones at <a class="linkToPlace" target="_blank" href="/place?placename=Delphi&groupId=534&placeId=363">Delphi</a> (his presence beside Eumenes need not imply that he was pro-Roman : so Meloni, Perseo, 184 n. 2). Chalepus (so Bergk for the manuscript <w lang="el-GR">χάλησον</w> : Livy, xxxvi. 27. 2 omits the names) was a Locrian from Naupactus; see IG, ix. 1. 357; BCH, 1932, 4 l. 73 (expropriated at <a class="linkToPlace" target="_blank" href="/place?placename=Delphi&groupId=534&placeId=363">Delphi</a>); Lerat, ii. 227 (prosopography). He was general in the year of the Delphic archon Hybrias (GDI, 2072, 2117; BCH, 1930, 288 n. 1), which must be shortly before 198/7 and may be 199/8; Daux, 97–98, 187; Klaffenbach, IG, ix <emph rend="superscript">2</emph> . 1. p. l. See xxi. 25. 11 n.

20.9.4 - 20.9.4

<emph rend="bold"><w lang="el-GR">τῶν ἐκ τῆς ῾Ηρακλείας λαφύρων</w>:</emph> cf. Livy, xxxvi. 24. 7 (of the lower town, which was taken first), 'oppidum uictores permissu consulis diripiunt, non tam ab ira nec ab odio, sed ut miles, coercitus in tot receptis ex potestate hostium urbibus, aliquo tandem loco fructum uictoriae sentiret.' On the division and disposal of booty in the Roman camp see x. 16. 2–17. 5 n. ; Acilius' remark was no doubt intended to irritate the Aetolian envoys.

20.9.5 - 20.9.5

<emph rend="bold"><w lang="el-GR">Λεύκιον</w>:</emph> L. Valerius Flaccus, cos. 195. According to 10. 10 he was military tribune, as was his colleague in the consulship, M. Porcius Cato (cf. Cic. de sen. 32; Plut. Cat. mai. 12. 1); Appian, Syr. 18, gives them both this rank. But Livy (xxxvi. 17. 1, 19. 1, 22. 7, 27. 3–8, 28. 8; cf. Zon. ix. 20; Phleg. Trall., FGH, 257 F 36, III. 1) calls him legatus. Scullard, Pol. 124 n. 3, suggests that the Livian tradition gave them both this title to glorify Cato; but it is not unprecedented for a military tribune to hold the title of legatus when acting independently (cf. Mommsen, St.-R. ii. 695 n. 1; xviii. 8. 6 n.). See Mnzer, RE, 'Valerius (173)', cols. 16–20.

20.9.6 - 20.9.6

<emph rend="bold"><w lang="el-GR">εἰς τὴν ῾Υπά?ταν</w>:</emph> the meeting-place of the Aetolian council which <milestone unit="page" n="78">[78]</milestone> had sent envoys to Antiochus (9. 1 n.). <a class="linkToPlace" target="_blank" href="/place?placename=Hypata&groupId=637&placeId=1169">Hypata</a>, the main town of the Aenianes, stood high above the Spercheius valley, on the slopes of Oeta, about 25 km directly north-west of <a class="linkToPlace" target="_blank" href="/place?placename=Heraclea&groupId=624&placeId=1147">Heraclea</a>; see Leake, NG, ii. 13 ff.; Sthlin, Hell. Thess. 221–2; Bquignon, 308–12, with plan. It is the modern Hypti.

20.9.8 - 20.9.8

<emph rend="bold"><w lang="el-GR">ἐπιτεμὼν αὐτῶν τὴν ὁρμήν</w>:</emph> 'cut the flood of their eloquence short' Paton).

20.9.9 - 20.9.9

<emph rend="bold"><w lang="el-GR">τρέπεσθαι πρὸς τὸν ἀξιωματικὸν λόγον</w>:</emph> 'to adopt a tone of supplication' (Shuckburgh); for this sense of <w lang="el-GR">ἀξιωματικός</w> cf. xxxi. 7. 3, xxxii. 3. 16. <emph rend="bold"><w lang="el-GR">καὶ δεῖσθαι τοῦ στρατηγοῦ συγγνώμης τυχεῖν</w> :</emph> Livy, xxxvi. 27. 7 adds a sentence: 'et se suppliciter agentibus iis adfuturum et apud consulem et Romae in senatu'. P. has nothing of this and Livy may have added it in the light of 10. 10, where Valerius intercedes with Acilius; an addition from an annalistic source (Dahlheim, 33–34 n. 23) seem less likely. Piganiol, RIDA, 5, 1950, 339–40, thinks Valerius meant to be helpful, inasmuch as a bond existed with the Valerii since the Aetolian treaty made by M. Valerius Laevinus in 211 (Livy, xxvi. 24. 8–14; Vol. II, pp. 11–13); cf. Dahlheim, 42 n. 46.

20.9.10 - 20.9.10

<emph rend="bold"><w lang="el-GR">δόντες αὑτοὺς εἰς τὴν Ῥωμαίων πίστιν</w>:</emph> cf. Livy, xxxvi. 27. 8, haec una uia omnibus ad salutem uisa est, ut in fidem se permitterent Romanorum.' As P. explains (§ 12; a fuller definition in xxxvi. 4. 1–3) the phrase is merely another way to describe deditio, unconditional surrender <w lang="el-GR">(τὸ τὴν ἐπιτροπὴν δοῦναι περὶ αὑτοῦ τῷ κρατοῦντι</w> ). The examples of the Mamertines (Vol. II, p. 629, addendum to i. 10. 1–2 n.), the Illyrian cities (ii. 11. 5–12), <a class="linkToPlace" target="_blank" href="/place?placename=Saguntum&groupId=938&placeId=1673">Saguntum</a> (Vol. II, p. 631, addendum to ii. 13. 7 n. ; Vol. II, p. 635, addendum to iii. 15. 5 n.; iii. 15. 7, 30. 1), and certain Spanish states (x. 40. 2) demonstrate that deditio was not necessarily followed by a disagreeable or dishonourable status; a letter sent by the Scipios to <a class="linkToPlace" target="_blank" href="/place?placename=Heraclea&groupId=624&placeId=1147">Heraclea</a> by Latmus (Syll. 618 = Sherk, 35) shows that in 190 surrender <w lang="el-GR">εἰς τὴν ἡμετέρα[μ πίστιμ]</w>] could lead to a grant of freedom <w lang="el-GR">καθότι καὶ [ταῖς ἄ] λλαις πόλεσιν, ὅσαι ἡμῖν τὴν ἐπιτροπὴν ἔδωκαν</w> , to be guaranteed by the presence of a Roman garrison during the war. Down to the early second century this was the normal expectation, though it was not always fulfilled: cf. Livy, ii. 17. 6, where Pometia makes deditio: 'ceterum nihilo minus foeda, dedita urbe, quam si capta foret, Aurunci passi: principes securi percussi, sub corona uenierunt coloni alii, oppidum dirutum, ager ueniit.' This passage may however reflect the writing back into an earlier period of conditions of the second and first centuries, or, more probably, it records an outrage and breach of the normal procedure following a deditio under the early republic. Deditio, when offered, was formally accepted; cf. Livy, i. 38. 2, giving the formula in the reception of the Collatini: <milestone unit="page" n="79">[79]</milestone> 'at ego recipio.' Before accepting, the Romans might impose conditions: cf. Caesar, BG, ii. 32. 1, 'deditionis nullam esse condicionem nisi armis traditis'; Livy, xxix. 3. 3, 'in deditionem ita accipi eos, si Mandonium ceterosque belli concitores tradidissent uiuos'. But, as the present incident shows, the validity of the act of deditio seems not to depend on the readiness of the party surrendering to accept the conditions nor upon the Romans' formal acceptance of the deditio (10. 7). Acceptance, it was hoped, would induce the Romans to treat the dediti generously; cf. Livy, xxxiv. 40. 3–4, where Nabis' envoy hopes to persuade Flamininus to accept deditio, but has to be content with a truce; clearly the former was preferable (Larsen, CP, 1935, 198). But this did not alter the Romans' legal rights: if they treated the dediti well, it was because of the moral obligations of fides, not through any legal claim that deditio conferred on the persons surrendering (cf. Piganiol, RIDA, 5, 1950, 339–47; Badian, 5–6). The harsh treatment of the Aurunci (above), Acilius' action towards the Aetolians (10. 7–10), and the treatment of <a class="linkToPlace" target="_blank" href="/place?placename=Carthage&groupId=441&placeId=820">Carthage</a> in 146 (xxxvi. 3. 1 ff.) represented no breach of any treaty or compact, since, as Heuss (Völk. Grund. 60 ff.) has demonstrated, deditio involved none (cf. xxxvi. 9. 12–17). Attempts have been made, in view of a confused terminology in some sources (e.g. Livy, xxxix. 54. 7, quoted below; Val. Max. vi. 5. 1), to draw a distinction between deditio in dicionem and deditio in fidem; against this see Dahlheim, 29–30. Similarly Calderone, 33 f., distinguishes between deditio and receptio in fidem, so that the party offering deditio had to fulfil certain conditions, but having once been receptus in fidem he became entitled to the benefits implied in this moral concept; where dediti are reported to have been harshly treated, they will not have been recepti in fidem. This will not do since (a) it runs directly counter to what P. says, (b) there is no example of a people's having made deditio and then having been specifically non recepti in fidem and treated severely. True, Latin sources recording the harsh treatment of dediti tend, not unnaturally, to avoid reference to fides; and dediti, for their own advantage, would try either deliberately or, like the Aetolians, through confusion, to draw distinctions; cf. Livy, xxxix. 54. 7, where Gauls argue 'dedisse se prius in fidem quam in potestatem populi Romani'. As P. records, deditio and receptio in fidem are the same action viewed from the two sides, and the formula of deditio, as recorded in Livy, i. 38. 2 (see above), has no place for a deditio which is facta but in which subsequently those making it are not recepti. Calderone argues that the Aetolian misunderstanding sprang from the fact that to a Greek <w lang="el-GR">πίστις</w> was a bilateral concept and, in the giving and receiving of oaths, conjured up the notion of a compact. <milestone unit="page" n="80">[80]</milestone> There is some truth in this; but even more the misunderstanding arose because the Aetolians assumed, from their past experience of Roman behaviour, that in fidem uenire would imply generous treatment, with room for discussion, whereas Acilius chose to interpret the situation in its full rigour, as had been done earlier in relation to Capua, Atella, Calatia, and the Sabatini (cf. Livy, xxvi. 14. 2, 14. 8–16. 10, 33. 12 ff., 34). For clearly an act of deditio could not purchase immunity from retribution in all circumstances. The original meaning of fides has been much discussed since E. Fraenkel (Rh. Mus. 1916, 187 ff.) argued that it meant 'guarantee' and carried no moral overtones, a view rejected by R. Heinze (Hermes, 1929, 140 ff. = Geist, 25 ff.) and later defended by G. Beseler (Z. Sav.-Stift. (Röm. Abt.) 49, 1929, 415 ff.; Atti del Congresso Internazionale di Diritto Romano (<a class="linkToPlace" target="_blank" href="/place?placename=Rome&groupId=935&placeId=1669">Rome</a>, 1933) i. 140 ff.). Piganiol (RIDA, 5, 1950, 345–6) saw in it the mana residing in a leader's right arm; and Calderone, 90–98, connects it with <w lang="el-GR">φείδεσθαι</w>, 'to spare, to renounce the rights of war'. The problem is peripheral to that of the meaning of in fidem uenire at the time P. was writing. Bibliography: in addition to works mentioned (among which that of Piganiol is especially important) see J. Paoli in Aequitas et bona fides: Festgabe fr A. Simonius (Basel, 1955), 274–5; I. Calabi, Riv. fil. 1956, 395; Pöschl, Grundwerte, 101; Heuss, Völk. Grund. 64–66; Dahlheim, 5–67, especially 25–52; Lehmann, 103–4; M. Merten, Fides Romana bei Livius (Diss. Frankfort, 1965), 6–7; Flurl, 26–82.

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