<p rend="Plain Text">Chronological note on Philip V's expedition of 201</p>
<p rend="Plain Text">In a detailed discussion of the events of 201 (tudes, iv. 211–325) Holleaux distinguishes four 'principal events', the battles of <a class="linkToPlace" target="_blank" href="/place?placename=Chios&groupId=462&placeId=863">Chios</a> and <a class="linkToPlace" target="_blank" href="/place?placename=Lade&groupId=663&placeId=1213">Lade</a>, Philip's invasion of Pergamum and his invasion of the Rhodian Peraea. It is important to establish their order. Holleaux has demonstrated that <a class="linkToPlace" target="_blank" href="/place?placename=Chios&groupId=462&placeId=863">Chios</a> and <a class="linkToPlace" target="_blank" href="/place?placename=Lade&groupId=663&placeId=1213">Lade</a> occurred in that order for the following reasons, which are not all of equal weight but taken together are overwhelmingly convincing:</p>
<p rend="Plain Text">(a) The eulogy on Theophiliscus, the Rhodian admiral (xvi. 9. 2–4) implies his success, and his share in a single battle (9. 2, <w lang="el-GR">κατὰ τὸν κίνδυνον ἀγαθὸς γενόμενος)</w>; he died at <a class="linkToPlace" target="_blank" href="/place?placename=Chios&groupId=462&placeId=863">Chios</a>, a Rhodian victory. In Philip, 307, I argued that <w lang="el-GR">κίνδυνος</w> 'covers all the events of that critical year', and this view has been followed (cf. Ferro, 51 n. 82). It is wrong. <w lang="el-GR">κίνδυνος</w> in P. means 'a battle'; see, for instance, 2. 8, and passim.</p>
<p rend="Plain Text">(b) In xvi. 14. 5 P. writes as though <a class="linkToPlace" target="_blank" href="/place?placename=Lade&groupId=663&placeId=1213">Lade</a> followed <a class="linkToPlace" target="_blank" href="/place?placename=Chios&groupId=462&placeId=863">Chios</a> (inconclusive taken alone).</p>
<p rend="Plain Text">(c) In xvi. 15. 3 and 8 P. does not name the Rhodian navarch at <a class="linkToPlace" target="_blank" href="/place?placename=Lade&groupId=663&placeId=1213">Lade</a>; this is unlikely had he been Theophiliscus (also inconclusive taken alone).</p>
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(d) xvi. 15. 6 implies that the Macedonian admiral at <a class="linkToPlace" target="_blank" href="/place?placename=Lade&groupId=663&placeId=1213">Lade</a> was Heracleides, as he was in 200 and 199 (Livy, xxxi. 16. 2, 33. 2, 46. 8); whereas the Macedonian admiral at <a class="linkToPlace" target="_blank" href="/place?placename=Chios&groupId=462&placeId=863">Chios</a> was Democrates, who perished in that battle (xvi. 3. 6). This supports, though it does not incontrovertibly confirm, the view that <a class="linkToPlace" target="_blank" href="/place?placename=Chios&groupId=462&placeId=863">Chios</a> came first. Against this De Sanctis (iv. 1. 10 n. 27) points out that after <a class="linkToPlace" target="_blank" href="/place?placename=Lade&groupId=663&placeId=1213">Lade</a> <w lang="el-GR">τὸν Ἄτταλον μηδέπω συμμεμιχέναι</w>; but Attalus fought at <a class="linkToPlace" target="_blank" href="/place?placename=Chios&groupId=462&placeId=863">Chios</a> (xvi. 3. 1), hence <a class="linkToPlace" target="_blank" href="/place?placename=Lade&groupId=663&placeId=1213">Lade</a> was first. The argument is fallacious; <w lang="el-GR">συμμιγνύναι</w> can equally well mean 'to rejoin'; cf. i. 19. 2, 19. 4. De Sanctis also argues that after his repulse at <a class="linkToPlace" target="_blank" href="/place?placename=Chios&groupId=462&placeId=863">Chios</a> Philip would hardly have dared to leave his fleet and march on Pergamum; and in Philip, 307, I suggested that the defeat at <a class="linkToPlace" target="_blank" href="/place?placename=Chios&groupId=462&placeId=863">Chios</a> so weakened Philip's fleet that even a subsequent victory at <a class="linkToPlace" target="_blank" href="/place?placename=Lade&groupId=663&placeId=1213">Lade</a> would not have sufficed to make the attack on <a class="linkToPlace" target="_blank" href="/place?placename=Alexandria&groupId=1063&placeId=1868">Alexandria</a> feasible. But <a class="linkToPlace" target="_blank" href="/place?placename=Chios&groupId=462&placeId=863">Chios</a> may well have been less disastrous than P., following Rhodian sources, makes it (cf. Tarn, JRS, 1941, 172), though on the other hand Philip must have sustained some losses to make the Rhodians ready to face him single-handed at <a class="linkToPlace" target="_blank" href="/place?placename=Lade&groupId=663&placeId=1213">Lade</a> (Holleaux, CAH, viii. 153 n. 3, points out that with <a class="linkToPlace" target="_blank" href="/place?placename=Lade&groupId=663&placeId=1213">Lade</a> the earlier battle one must assume quite improbable courage in the Rhodians, who would be facing 53 cataphracts (2. 9) with about 30;
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16. THE AREA OF PHILIP V'S CAMPAIGNS IN 201 (From Walbank, Philip V, 106)
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and the attempt of Miss Ferro (55) to surmount this difficulty by supposing that Philip did not add the Egyptian ships from <a class="linkToPlace" target="_blank" href="/place?placename=Samos&groupId=944&placeId=1680">Samos</a> (2. 9) until after <a class="linkToPlace" target="_blank" href="/place?placename=Lade&groupId=663&placeId=1213">Lade</a> is unconvincing). Holleaux's arguments thus seem to show decisively that <a class="linkToPlace" target="_blank" href="/place?placename=Chios&groupId=462&placeId=863">Chios</a> preceded <a class="linkToPlace" target="_blank" href="/place?placename=Lade&groupId=663&placeId=1213">Lade</a>.
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<p rend="Plain Text">Holleaux also argues that the invasion of Pergamum followed both battles. From xvi. 34. 5 and xviii. 6. 2 it appears that there was no effective answer to Philip's claim that the Rhodians and Attalus had taken the initiative in attacking him (Holleaux, tudes, iv. 213–14). The anger shown by Philip in this invasion is explicable only as springing from resentment; what he resented must be Attalus' part in the battle of <a class="linkToPlace" target="_blank" href="/place?placename=Chios&groupId=462&placeId=863">Chios</a>. Theophiliscus was responsible for bringing Attalus into the war (9. 4). It therefore seems clear that the invasion of Pergamum followed <a class="linkToPlace" target="_blank" href="/place?placename=Chios&groupId=462&placeId=863">Chios</a>. That it also followed <a class="linkToPlace" target="_blank" href="/place?placename=Lade&groupId=663&placeId=1213">Lade</a> is less certain. The argument that it did (Holleaux, tudes, iv. 215 f.) depends on 10. 1 where Philip is criticized, after <a class="linkToPlace" target="_blank" href="/place?placename=Lade&groupId=663&placeId=1213">Lade</a>, for not sailing on <a class="linkToPlace" target="_blank" href="/place?placename=Alexandria&groupId=1063&placeId=1868">Alexandria</a> but, instead, <w lang="el-GR">μανιώδη γενόμενον . . . τοῦτο πρᾶξαι</w>. The words <w lang="el-GR">τοῦτο πρᾶξαι</w> Holleaux refers to the march on Pergamum, pointing out that in 1. 2, where this is described, P. speaks of Philip's <w lang="el-GR">λυττῶν θυμός</w> and his <w lang="el-GR">ὀργή</w>. These phrases do indeed imply <w lang="el-GR">μανία</w>, a symptom of which, in P.'s opinion, is to make war on the gods by sacking shrines and temples. See on this v. 11. 4, <w lang="el-GR">τρόπου καὶ θυμοῦ λυττῶντος ἔργον</w> (with the whole discussion, v. 9. 1–12. 8, of Philip's behaviour at Thermum); xxxii. 15. 1–14 (Prusias' behaviour at Per-gamum). In the second of these instances P. refers back to his own description of Philip's similar behaviour as being that of a madman (xxxii. 15. 6); and Holleaux (tudes, iv. 216 n. 2) assumes that the reference is to Philip's attack on the Pergamene temples and to the passage xvi. 10. 1. It might, of course, be to Philip's behaviour at Thermum (v. 11. 4); but it is altogether more likely that P. is thinking of Pergamum, for this was also the scene of Prusias' ravages.</p>
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However, this does not necessarily involve a reference to xvi. 10. 1, and is not proof that that passage concerns the attack on Pergamum. Sacrilege is only one sign of madness. Another is to cherish vast plans and then to nullify them by completely irrational behaviour. In xv. 24. 6 Philip is criticized for aspiring to universal dominion and then, at the first opportunity, by his treacherous attack on <a class="linkToPlace" target="_blank" href="/place?placename=Thasos&groupId=1020&placeId=1794">Thasos</a>, revealing to the world his fickleness and faithlessness, thus putting men on their guard against him; this shows him to be <w lang="el-GR">ἀλόγιστον . . . καὶ μανικόν</w>. Philip, then, may (in 10. 1) have shown his madness by his sacrilegious campaign against Pergamum; but he may equally well have shown it by neglecting the reasonable opportunity to sail on <a class="linkToPlace" target="_blank" href="/place?placename=Alexandria&groupId=1063&placeId=1868">Alexandria</a> in order to do something else quite impossible<w lang="el-GR">τοῦτο πρᾶξαι</w>. What that was, we do not necessarily know. But if it was not the march on Pergamum, there is no argument against dating that event after <a class="linkToPlace" target="_blank" href="/place?placename=Chios&groupId=462&placeId=863">Chios</a> and before <a class="linkToPlace" target="_blank" href="/place?placename=Lade&groupId=663&placeId=1213">Lade</a>, as
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Magie does (ii. 748 n. 39). This order of events has much to be said in its favour. A raid in anger is more likely to have followed immediately on Attalus' defeat at <a class="linkToPlace" target="_blank" href="/place?placename=Chios&groupId=462&placeId=863">Chios</a> (6. 4–8), and would not involve the long and risky march north from Miletus to Pergamum and back, which is implied if the Pergamene campaign followed <a class="linkToPlace" target="_blank" href="/place?placename=Lade&groupId=663&placeId=1213">Lade</a>. On the whole, then, the most likely order for these events is <a class="linkToPlace" target="_blank" href="/place?placename=Chios&groupId=462&placeId=863">Chios</a>, Pergamum, <a class="linkToPlace" target="_blank" href="/place?placename=Lade&groupId=663&placeId=1213">Lade</a>, Caria.
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<p rend="Plain Text">For discussion see Holleaux, tudes, iv. 213–24; CAH, viii. 153 n. 3 (= tudes, v. 337 n. 2); De Sanctis, iv. 1. 10 n. 27; Walbank, Philip, 307–8 (superseded by discussion above); Magie, ii. 748 n. 39; Stier, 98–99; Ferro, 48–55; Pdech, Mthode, 111.</p>
Walbank Commentary