Polybius, Histories

Translation

Book 12 - Chapter 5

<head lang="la">IV. De Timaei Erroribus Commissis De Rebus Locrensium</head><w lemma="%2A%29emoi%5C">Ἐμοὶ</w> <w lemma="dh%5C">δὴ</w> <w lemma="sumbai%2Fnei">συμβαίνει</w> <w lemma="kai%5C">καὶ</w> <w lemma="parabeblhke%2Fnai">παραβεβληκέναι</w> <w lemma="pleona%2Fkis">πλεονάκις</w> <w lemma="ei%29s">εἰς</w> <w lemma="th%5Cn">τὴν</w> <w lemma="tw%3Dn">τῶν</w> <w lemma="%2Alokrw%3Dn">Λοκρῶν</w> <w lemma="po%2Flin">πόλιν</w> <w lemma="kai%5C">καὶ</w> <w lemma="paresxh%3Dsqai">παρεσχῆσθαι</w> <w lemma="xrei%2Fas">χρείας</w> <w lemma="au%29toi%3Ds">αὐτοῖς</w> <w lemma="a%29nagkai%2Fas:">ἀναγκαίας·</w>

<w lemma="kai%5C">καὶ</w> <w lemma="ga%5Cr">γὰρ</w> <w lemma="th%3Ds">τῆς</w> <w lemma="ei%29s">εἰς</w> <w lemma="%2A%29ibhri%2Fan">Ἰβηρίαν</w> <w lemma="stratei%2Fas">στρατείας</w> <w lemma="au%29tou%5Cs">αὐτοὺς</w> <w lemma="paraluqh%3Dnai">παραλυθῆναι</w> <w lemma="sune%2Fbh">συνέβη</w> <w lemma="di%27">δι᾽</w> <w lemma="e%29me%5C">ἐμὲ</w> <w lemma="kai%5C">καὶ</w> <w lemma="th%3Ds">τῆς</w> <w lemma="ei%29s">εἰς</w> <w lemma="%2Adalmatei%3Ds">Δαλματεῖς</w>, <w lemma="h%28%5Cn">ἣν</w> <w lemma="w%29%2Ffeilon">ὤφειλον</w> <w lemma="kata%5C">κατὰ</w> <w lemma="qa%2Flattan">θάλατταν</w> <w lemma="e%29kpe%2Fmpein">ἐκπέμπειν</w> <w lemma="%2A%28rwmai%2Fois">Ῥωμαίοις</w> <w lemma="kata%5C">κατὰ</w> <w lemma="ta%5Cs">τὰς</w> <w lemma="sunqh%2Fkas">συνθήκας</w>.

<w lemma="e%29c">ἐξ</w> <w lemma="w%28%3Dn">ὧν</w> <w lemma="kai%5C">καὶ</w> <w lemma="kakopaqei%2Fas">κακοπαθείας</w> <w lemma="kai%5C">καὶ</w> <w lemma="kindu%2Fnou">κινδύνου</w> <w lemma="kai%5C">καὶ</w> <w lemma="dapa%2Fnhs">δαπάνης</w> <w lemma="i%28kanh%3Ds">ἱκανῆς</w> <w lemma="tinos">τινος</w> <w lemma="a%29poluqe%2Fntes">ἀπολυθέντες</w> <w lemma="pa%3Dsin">πᾶσιν</w> <w lemma="h%28ma%3Ds">ἡμᾶς</w> <w lemma="h%29mei%2Fyanto">ἠμείψαντο</w> <w lemma="toi%3Ds">τοῖς</w> <w lemma="timi%2Fois">τιμίοις</w> <w lemma="kai%5C">καὶ</w> <w lemma="filanqrw%2Fpois:">φιλανθρώποις·</w> <w lemma="dio%2Fper">διόπερ</w> <w lemma="o%29fei%2Flw">ὀφείλω</w> <w lemma="ma%3Dllon">μᾶλλον</w> <w lemma="eu%29logei%3Dn">εὐλογεῖν</w> <w lemma="%2Alokrou%5Cs">Λοκροὺς</w> <w lemma="h%29%5C">ἢ</w> <w lemma="tou%29nanti%2Fon">τοὐναντίον</w>.

<w lemma="a%29ll%27">ἀλλ᾽</w> <w lemma="o%28%2Fmws">ὅμως</w> <w lemma="ou%29k">οὐκ</w> <w lemma="w%29%2Fknhsa">ὤκνησα</w> <w lemma="kai%5C">καὶ</w> <w lemma="le%2Fgein">λέγειν</w> <w lemma="kai%5C">καὶ</w> <w lemma="gra%2Ffein">γράφειν</w> <w lemma="o%28%2Fti">ὅτι</w> <w lemma="th%5Cn">τὴν</w> <w lemma="u%28p%27">ὑπ᾽</w> <w lemma="%2A%29aristote%2Flous">Ἀριστοτέλους</w> <w lemma="paradidome%2Fnhn">παραδιδομένην</w> <w lemma="i%28stori%2Fan">ἱστορίαν</w> <w lemma="peri%5C">περὶ</w> <w lemma="th%3Ds">τῆς</w> <w lemma="a%29poiki%2Fas">ἀποικίας</w> <w lemma="a%29lhqinwte%2Fran">ἀληθινωτέραν</w> <w lemma="ei%29%3Dnai">εἶναι</w> <w lemma="sumbai%2Fnei">συμβαίνει</w> <w lemma="th%3Ds">τῆς</w> <w lemma="u%28po%5C">ὑπὸ</w> <w lemma="%2Atimai%2Fou">Τιμαίου</w> <w lemma="legome%2Fnhs">λεγομένης</w>.

<w lemma="su%2Fnoida">σύνοιδα</w> <w lemma="ga%5Cr">γὰρ</w> <w lemma="toi%3Ds">τοῖς</w> <w lemma="a%29nqrw%2Fpois">ἀνθρώποις</w> <w lemma="o%28mologou%3Dsin">ὁμολογοῦσιν</w> <w lemma="o%28%2Fti">ὅτι</w> <w lemma="parado%2Fsimos">παραδόσιμος</w> <w lemma="au%29toi%3Ds">αὐτοῖς</w> <w lemma="e%29stin">ἐστιν</w> <w lemma="au%28%2Fth">αὕτη</w> <w lemma="peri%5C">περὶ</w> <w lemma="th%3Ds">τῆς</w> <w lemma="a%29poiki%2Fas">ἀποικίας</w> <w lemma="h%28">ἡ</w> <w lemma="fh%2Fmh">φήμη</w> <w lemma="para%5C">παρὰ</w> <w lemma="pate%2Frwn">πατέρων</w>, <w lemma="h%28%5Cn">ἣν</w> <w lemma="%2A%29aristote%2Flhs">Ἀριστοτέλης</w> <w lemma="ei%29%2Frhken">εἴρηκεν</w>, <w lemma="ou%29">οὐ</w> <w lemma="%2Ati%2Fmaios">Τίμαιος</w>. <w lemma="kai%5C">καὶ</w> <w lemma="tou%2Ftwn">τούτων</w> <w lemma="ge">γε</w> <w lemma="toiau%2Ftas">τοιαύτας</w> <w lemma="e%29%2Fferon">ἔφερον</w> <w lemma="a%29podei%2Fceis">ἀποδείξεις</w>.

<w lemma="prw%3Dton">πρῶτον</w> <w lemma="me%5Cn">μὲν</w> <w lemma="o%28%2Fti">ὅτι</w> <w lemma="pa%2Fnta">πάντα</w> <w lemma="ta%5C">τὰ</w> <w lemma="dia%5C">διὰ</w> <w lemma="progo%2Fnwn">προγόνων</w> <w lemma="e%29%2Fndoca">ἔνδοξα</w> <w lemma="par%27">παρ᾽</w> <w lemma="au%29toi%3Ds">αὐτοῖς</w> <w lemma="a%29po%5C">ἀπὸ</w> <w lemma="tw%3Dn">τῶν</w> <w lemma="gunaikw%3Dn">γυναικῶν</w>, <w lemma="ou%29k">οὐκ</w> <w lemma="a%29po%5C">ἀπὸ</w> <w lemma="tw%3Dn">τῶν</w> <w lemma="a%29ndrw%3Dn">ἀνδρῶν</w> <w lemma="e%29stin">ἐστιν</w>, <w lemma="oi%28%3Don">οἷον</w> <w lemma="eu%29qe%2Fws">εὐθέως</w> <w lemma="eu%29genei%3Ds">εὐγενεῖς</w> <w lemma="para%5C">παρὰ</w> <w lemma="sfi%2Fsi">σφίσι</w> <w lemma="nomi%2Fzesqai">νομίζεσθαι</w> <w lemma="tou%5Cs">τοὺς</w> <w lemma="a%29po%5C">ἀπὸ</w> <w lemma="tw%3Dn">τῶν</w> <w lemma="e%28kato%5Cn">ἑκατὸν</w> <w lemma="oi%29kiw%3Dn">οἰκιῶν</w> <w lemma="legome%2Fnous:">λεγομένους·</w>

<w lemma="tau%2Ftas">ταύτας</w> <w lemma="d%27">δ᾽</w> <w lemma="ei%29%3Dnai">εἶναι</w> <w lemma="ta%5Cs">τὰς</w> <w lemma="e%28kato%5Cn">ἑκατὸν</w> <w lemma="oi%29ki%2Fas">οἰκίας</w> <w lemma="ta%5Cs">τὰς</w> <w lemma="prokriqei%2Fsas">προκριθείσας</w> <w lemma="u%28po%5C">ὑπὸ</w> <w lemma="tw%3Dn">τῶν</w> <w lemma="%2Alokrw%3Dn">Λοκρῶν</w> <w lemma="pri%5Cn">πρὶν</w> <w lemma="h%29%5C">ἢ</w> <w lemma="th%5Cn">τὴν</w> <w lemma="a%29poiki%2Fan">ἀποικίαν</w> <w lemma="e%29celqei%3Dn">ἐξελθεῖν</w>, <w lemma="e%29c">ἐξ</w> <w lemma="w%28%3Dn">ὧν</w> <w lemma="e%29%2Fmellon">ἔμελλον</w> <w lemma="oi%28">οἱ</w> <w lemma="%2Alokroi%5C">Λοκροὶ</w> <w lemma="kata%5C">κατὰ</w> <w lemma="to%5Cn">τὸν</w> <w lemma="xrhsmo%5Cn">χρησμὸν</w> <w lemma="klhrou%3Dn">κληροῦν</w> <w lemma="ta%5Cs">τὰς</w> <w lemma="a%29postalhsome%2Fnas">ἀποσταλησομένας</w> <w lemma="parqe%2Fnous">παρθένους</w> <w lemma="ei%29s">εἰς</w> <w lemma="%2A%29%2Filion">Ἴλιον</w>.

<w lemma="tou%2Ftwn">τούτων</w> <w lemma="dh%2F">δή</w> <w lemma="tinas">τινας</w> <w lemma="tw%3Dn">τῶν</w> <w lemma="gunaikw%3Dn">γυναικῶν</w> <w lemma="suneca%3Drai">συνεξᾶραι</w> <w lemma="meta%5C">μετὰ</w> <w lemma="th%3Ds">τῆς</w> <w lemma="a%29poiki%2Fas">ἀποικίας</w>, <w lemma="w%28%3Dn">ὧν</w> <w lemma="tou%5Cs">τοὺς</w> <w lemma="a%29pogo%2Fnous">ἀπογόνους</w> <w lemma="e%29%2Fti">ἔτι</w> <w lemma="nu%3Dn">νῦν</w> <w lemma="eu%29genei%3Ds">εὐγενεῖς</w> <w lemma="nomi%2Fzesqai">νομίζεσθαι</w> <w lemma="kai%5C">καὶ</w> <w lemma="kalei%3Dsqai">καλεῖσθαι</w> <w lemma="tou%5Cs">τοὺς</w> <w lemma="a%29po%5C">ἀπὸ</w> <w lemma="tw%3Dn">τῶν</w> <w lemma="e%28kato%5Cn">ἑκατὸν</w> <w lemma="oi%29kiw%3Dn">οἰκιῶν</w>.

<w lemma="pa%2Flin">πάλιν</w> <w lemma="u%28pe%5Cr">ὑπὲρ</w> <w lemma="th%3Ds">τῆς</w> <w lemma="fialhfo%2Frou">φιαληφόρου</w> <w lemma="par%27">παρ᾽</w> <w lemma="au%29toi%3Ds">αὐτοῖς</w> <w lemma="legome%2Fnhs">λεγομένης</w> <w lemma="toiau%2Fth">τοιαύτη</w> <w lemma="tis">τις</w> <w lemma="i%28stori%2Fa">ἱστορία</w> <w lemma="parade%2Fdoto">παραδέδοτο</w>,

<w lemma="dio%2Fti">διότι</w> <w lemma="kaq%27">καθ᾽</w> <w lemma="o%28%5Cn">ὃν</w> <w lemma="kairo%5Cn">καιρὸν</w> <w lemma="tou%5Cs">τοὺς</w> <w lemma="%2Asikelou%5Cs">Σικελοὺς</w> <w lemma="e%29kba%2Floien">ἐκβάλοιεν</w> <w lemma="tou%5Cs">τοὺς</w> <w lemma="katasxo%2Fntas">κατασχόντας</w> <w lemma="to%5Cn">τὸν</w> <w lemma="to%2Fpon">τόπον</w> <w lemma="tou%3Dton">τοῦτον</w> <w lemma="th%3Ds">τῆς</w> <w lemma="%2A%29itali%2Fas">Ἰταλίας</w>, <w lemma="w%28%3Dn">ὧν</w> <w lemma="kai%5C">καὶ</w> <w lemma="tai%3Ds">ταῖς</w> <w lemma="qusi%2Fais">θυσίαις</w> <w lemma="prohgei%3Dto">προηγεῖτο</w> <w lemma="tw%3Dn">τῶν</w> <w lemma="e%29ndocota%2Ftwn">ἐνδοξοτάτων</w> <w lemma="kai%5C">καὶ</w> <w lemma="tw%3Dn">τῶν</w> <w lemma="eu%29genesta%2Ftwn">εὐγενεστάτων</w> <w lemma="u%28pa%2Frxwn">ὑπάρχων</w> <w lemma="pai%3Ds">παῖς</w>, <w lemma="au%29toi%5C">αὐτοὶ</w> <w lemma="kai%5C">καὶ</w> <w lemma="plei%2Fw">πλείω</w> <w lemma="tw%3Dn">τῶν</w> <w lemma="%2Asikelikw%3Dn">Σικελικῶν</w> <w lemma="e%29qw%3Dn">ἐθῶν</w> <w lemma="paralabo%2Fntes">παραλαβόντες</w> <w lemma="dia%5C">διὰ</w> <w lemma="to%5C">τὸ</w> <w lemma="mhde%5Cn">μηδὲν</w> <w lemma="au%29toi%3Ds">αὐτοῖς</w> <w lemma="pa%2Ftrion">πάτριον</w> <w lemma="u%28pa%2Frxein">ὑπάρχειν</w> <w lemma="kai%5C">καὶ</w> <w lemma="tou%3Dto">τοῦτο</w> <w lemma="diafula%2Fttoien">διαφυλάττοιεν</w> <w lemma="a%29p%27">ἀπ᾽</w> <w lemma="e%29kei%2Fnwn">ἐκείνων</w>,

<w lemma="au%29to%5C">αὐτὸ</w> <w lemma="de%5C">δὲ</w> <w lemma="tou%3Dto">τοῦτο</w> <w lemma="diorqw%2Fsainto">διορθώσαιντο</w>, <w lemma="to%5C">τὸ</w> <w lemma="mh%5C">μὴ</w> <w lemma="pai%3Dda">παῖδα</w> <w lemma="poiei%3Dn">ποιεῖν</w> <w lemma="e%29c">ἐξ</w> <w lemma="au%28tw%3Dn">αὑτῶν</w> <w lemma="to%5Cn">τὸν</w> <w lemma="fialhfo%2Fron">φιαληφόρον</w>, <w lemma="a%29lla%5C">ἀλλὰ</w> <w lemma="parqe%2Fnon">παρθένον</w>, <w lemma="dia%5C">διὰ</w> <w lemma="th%5Cn">τὴν</w> <w lemma="a%29po%5C">ἀπὸ</w> <w lemma="tw%3Dn">τῶν</w> <w lemma="gunaikw%3Dn">γυναικῶν</w> <w lemma="eu%29ge%2Fneian">εὐγένειαν</w>.

<head>IV. Errors of Timaeus about Locri</head>I happen to have paid several visits to Locri and to have rendered the Locrians important services.

It was indeed through me that they were excused from serving in the Spanish and Dalmatian campaigns, in both of which they were required by the terms of their treaty to send aid to the Romans by sea.

In consequence they were relieved from considerable hardship, danger, and expense, and in return conferred on me all kinds of honours and favours; so that I ought rather to speak well of the Locrians than the reverse.

But nevertheless I have not hesitated to affirm both in speech and writing that account we have received from Aristotle about the foundation of the colony is truer than that given by Timaeus.

For I know that the Locrians themselves confess that the tradition handed down to them by their fathers concerning the colony is that given by Aristotle and not that of Timaeus. And of this they adduce the following proofs.

First of all that at Locri all ancestral nobility is derived from women, not from men, as, for example, those are considered noble among them who are said to be of the "hundred houses."

These "hundred houses" were those distinguished by the Locrians as the leading families before the colony was sent out, the families from which the Locrians, as the oracle ordered, were to select by lot the virgins they had to send to Troy.

Some women belonging to these families left with the colony, and it is their descendants who are still considered noble and called "of the hundred houses."

Again, as regards the virgin ministrant they call the Phialephorus the tradition is much as follows.

At the time they expelled the Sicels who had occupied this site in <a class="linkToPlace" target="_blank" href="/place?placename=Italy&groupId=656&placeId=1199">Italy</a>, at whose sacrifices the procession was led by a boy of one of the most celebrated and noble families, the Locrians adopted several of the Sicelian rites, as they had no inherited ritual, retaining among others this particular one,

but making merely this change in it that they did not appoint one of their boys to be Phialephorus, but one of their virgins, because nobility among them was derived from women.

Walbank Commentary

Overview

12.4.0 - 12.16.0

Timaeus' criticisms of Aristotle about Locri: his criticisms of Callisthenes, Demochares, and Agathocles <emph rend="bold">P.</emph> now passes to a discussion of Timaeus' criticisms of his predecessors (cf. 23. 8) and the polemic about Locri forms part of this section (cf. Pdech, p. xviii). On the view that Timaeus' opinions about Locri furnished the occasion for P. to devote this book to criticism of him see the introductory note, above, p. 317. Aristotle's account of the origins of Epizephyrian Locri was probably contained in his Constitutions, which may well have dealt with foundations too, for Plutarch (Mor. 1093 C) refers to them as <w lang="el-GR">κτίσεις καὶ πολιτεῖαι</w> (cf. Sandys, Aristotle's Constitution of <a class="linkToPlace" target="_blank" href="/place?placename=Athens&groupId=379&placeId=715">Athens</a> <emph rend="superscript">2</emph> (London, 1912), xxix). In 11. 5 P. implies that Theophrastus shared Aristotle's account perhaps in his three books <w lang="el-GR">Νομοθετῶν</w> (Diog. Laert. v. 45), which seem to have touched on Zaleucus (cf. Cic. de leg. ii. 15; ad Att. vi. 1. 18), or alternatively in his twenty-four books <w lang="el-GR">Νόμων κατὰ στοιχεῖον</w> (Diog. Laert. v. 44; Cic. fin. v. 11); and indeed in his treatise On Drunkenness Theophrastus mentioned Zaleucus' law punishing the drinking of wine without a doctor's prescription by death (Theophr. fg. 117 Wimmer = Athen. x. 429). The reference is, however, merely to Timaeus' rejection of Theophrastus and there is no positive evidence that P. was personally familiar with his account. All that P. quotes from Aristotle too (at least in surviving fragments) comes via Timaeus' criticism, and it is possible, despite 9. 1, that P. merely took Aristotle's version from Timaeus and what he was told himself at Locri (cf. von Scala, 127; Ziegler, RE, 'Polybios (1)', col. 1470; Brown, 127 n. 7, correctly observes, however, that this can be only a hypothesis). Timaeus' criticism of Aristotle was in his ninth book (FGH, 566 F 11) and this digression arose either in connexion with Pythagoras or else out of his account of the history of <a class="linkToPlace" target="_blank" href="/place?placename=Magna Graecia&groupId=728&placeId=1334">Magna Graecia</a> in the sixth century (so Jacoby, commentary on FGH, 566 F 11–12); Schwartz (Hermes, 1899, 484) argued that as the Locrian laws were usually attributed to Zaleucus (16. 4 n.), who was accounted a Pythagorean, Timaeus, who rejected Zaleucus' existence (FGH, 566 F 130), may well have passed from discussing this question in connexion with Zaleucus to a general account of early Locrian history, and this is possible (cf. Laqueur, RE, 'Timaios (2)', col. 1078). Aristotle's acceptance of the story that Italian Locri was founded by slaves from Locris with whom free-born women had cohabited during their <milestone unit="page" n="330">[330]</milestone> husbands' absence as allies of the Spartans during the Messenian War (cf. 6 b 5 n.) is rejected by Timaeus on eight grounds: <table cols="3" rows="8"> <row> <cell>(i)</cell> <cell /> <cell>the Locrians were not wont to have domestic slaves (6. 7–8);</cell> </row> <row> <cell>(ii)</cell> <cell /> <cell>the inherited friendship of Locri with <a class="linkToPlace" target="_blank" href="/place?placename=Sparta&groupId=660&placeId=1208">Sparta</a> (6 a 2);</cell> </row> <row> <cell>(iii)</cell> <cell /> <cell>the ravaging of Locri by the Athenians (6 b 3);</cell> </row> <row> <cell>(iv)</cell> <cell /> <cell>the Spartans would hardly have stopped the Locrians of Greece from visiting their wives during the Messenian War 6 b 5);</cell> </row> <row> <cell>(v)</cell> <cell /> <cell>the existence of a treaty between Greek Locris and Italian Locri <w lang="el-GR">ὡς γονεῦσι πρὸς τέκνα</w> (9. 3);</cell> </row> <row> <cell>(vi)</cell> <cell /> <cell>the existence of sympolity between the two states (9. 4);</cell> </row> <row> <cell>(vii)</cell> <cell /> <cell>the laws of Locri were those of a colony of free men (9. 5);</cell> </row> <row> <cell>(viii)</cell> <cell /> <cell>the constitution of Locri and its cultural institutions are similar to those of Locris (11. 5).</cell> </row> </table> P.'s answers to these arguments are partly but not wholly valid; they are discussed in the notes (see also Walbank, JRS, 1962, 1–12). They fall into two groups: those based on personal inquiry at Locri (5–6. 6), and those based on probability (6. 7–11. 5). But as between the views of Aristotle and Timaeus, the latter seem to be the more convincing. The story of the slave origins of Locri parallels the similar story of the Partheniae at Tarentum (viii. 33. 9 n.); it seems to be implied in the version which made Locri also a Spartan foundation (Paus. iii. 3. 1). It probably arose in an attempt to explain the matrilineal customs of Locri (5. 6 n.) and may have been given additional prominence in democratic propaganda during the party struggles at the time of Dionysius II (Arist. Pol. vii (v). 7. 1307 a 38, <w lang="el-GR">ἡ Λοκρῶν πόλις ἀπώλετο ἐκ τῆς πρὸς Διονύσιον κηδείας)</w>, which sought to bring the 'Hundred Houses' (5. 6) into disrepute (so Oldfather, RE, 'Lokroi', col. 1315). Timaeus' rejection of it would be explained if he drew some of his information about Locri from a Locrian migr, Echecrates (10. 7 n.). Other points at issue between Aristotle and Timaeus are discussed in the notes. See in general Oldfather, RE, '<a class="linkToPlace" target="_blank" href="/place?placename=Lokris&groupId=696&placeId=1275">Lokris</a>', cols. 1255–62; 'Lokroi', cols. 1314–15, 1345–6; Dunbabin, 36–37, 183–5; Brown, 44–50; Brard, 201–6; Jacoby on FGH, 566 F 11–12; Lerat, ii. 22–25; Walbank, JRS, 1962, 1–12. On the origins of the inhabitants of Locri see S. Pembroke, Annales, 1970, 1240–70. He relates the view of Aristotle, followed by P., to the tradition preserved in Schol. Dion. Per. 366 (GGM, ii. 445 l. 30) that the slaves had sexual relations with their mistresses and fled with them to <a class="linkToPlace" target="_blank" href="/place?placename=Italy&groupId=656&placeId=1199">Italy</a> when their masters returned; and he applies the statement that nobility was reckoned <w lang="el-GR">ἀπὸ τῶν γυναικῶν</w> only to the first generation (after which descent in Locri was reckoned as it was anywhere else). This view depends on the assumption that the story of the adulterous wives was true; in the commentary I assumed that it was devised to explain matrilineal vestiges surviving at Locri. The tradition is also discussed by Christiane SourvinouInwood, CQ, 1974, 186–98, who points out that the attribution of the foundation-legend of Locri to democratic propaganda directed against the Hundred Families is open to the objection that it would be equally discreditable to the democrats (but presumably birth was less important to them). Associating it closely with the legend of Tarentum, she regards it as reflecting a period of intimate relations between Tarentum and Locri, probably in the sixth century. Both accounts she regards as legendary and as expressions of a 'reversed world', in which normal relationships are inverted (so that women and slaves play the major roles) but subsequently give way to order and a return to normal conditions; the story would thus reflect a non-rational, mythopoeic structure of thought.

Specifics

12.5.1 - 12.5.1

<emph rend="bold"><w lang="el-GR">παραβεβληκέναι . . . εἰς τὴν τῶν Λοκρῶν πόλιν</w>:</emph> cf. Vol. I, p. 4. If the Dalmatian campaign was that of 156/5 (§ 2 n.), these visits took place while P. was technically an internee in <a class="linkToPlace" target="_blank" href="/place?placename=Italy&groupId=656&placeId=1199">Italy</a>.

12.5.2 - 12.5.2

<emph rend="bold"><w lang="el-GR">παραλυθῆναι . . . δι</w>f <w lang="el-GR">ἐμέ</w>:</emph> presumably through his influence with Aemilianus. Granted, Scipio had not in the 150's the auctoritas he possessed after the fall of <a class="linkToPlace" target="_blank" href="/place?placename=Carthage&groupId=441&placeId=820">Carthage</a>, but through him P. must have had access to influential circles. The background and basis of his intervention escapes us; perhaps Locri, though it had indeed provided <milestone unit="page" n="331">[331]</milestone> two triremes against Perseus in 171 (Livy, xlii. 48. 7), was in a state of economic distress (so Oldfather, RE, 'Lokroi', col. 1341). <emph rend="bold"><w lang="el-GR">τῆς εἰς Ἰβηρίαν στρατείας . . . καὶ τῆς εἰς Δαλματεῖς</w>:</emph> <w lang="el-GR">Δελματεῖς</w>, the reading of F, is preferable, since this was more common in P.'s time (see Pdech ad loc.). The Iberian campaign will be the Spanish war which opened in 154 (App. Hisp. 56: Livy, ep. 47; Obseq. 17) against the Lusitanians, or that against the Celtiberians (xxxv. 1), which opened the next year, rather than the campaign of D. Iunius Brutus in 138/7 (Strabo, iii. 152), as Cuntz, 48–49, argues. P. may mention it first as the more important; the Dalmatian campaign need not be later (cf. De Sanctis, iii. 1. 210, against Cuntz, 46–49; for passages where P. quotes events in reverse order see Aymard, REA, 1937, 19 n. 7; Pdech, p. xi n. 1). This Dalmatian campaign was almost certainly that of 156–155 (cf. xxxii. 13; Livy, ep. 47; Flor. ii. 25; Zon. ix. 25; App. Ill. 11; Strabo, vii. 315; auct. de uir. ill. 44; Zippel, 130 ff.; De Sanctis, iii. 1. 210), not that against the Scordisci or Vardaei of 135 (Livy, ep. 56; App. Ill. 10). Cuntz's view that the reference is to the campaigns of D. Iunius Brutus (138/7) and the wars against the Vardaei and Scordisci (135) is accepted by Lehmann, Entretiens sur Polybe, 153–4 n. 2. <emph rend="bold"><w lang="el-GR">κατὰ θάλατταν . . . κατὰ τὰς συνθήκας</w>:</emph> Locri probably received its first Roman garrison in 282, with <a class="linkToPlace" target="_blank" href="/place?placename=Rhegium&groupId=927&placeId=1659">Rhegium</a> (Beloch, iv. 1. 545 f.); she deserted to Pyrrhus after <a class="linkToPlace" target="_blank" href="/place?placename=Heraclea&groupId=624&placeId=1147">Heraclea</a> (280), returned to <a class="linkToPlace" target="_blank" href="/place?placename=Rome&groupId=935&placeId=1669">Rome</a> while he was in <a class="linkToPlace" target="_blank" href="/place?placename=Sicily&groupId=973&placeId=1724">Sicily</a> (Zon. viii. 6), and again fell away on his return (when he plundered the temple of Persephone). Locri probably rejoined <a class="linkToPlace" target="_blank" href="/place?placename=Rome&groupId=935&placeId=1669">Rome</a> in 275, and shortly afterwards issued a famous series of coins on which <emph rend="bold"><w lang="el-GR">ΡΩΜΗ</w></emph> was crowned with <emph rend="bold"><w lang="el-GR">ΠΙ</w>§<w lang="el-GR">ΣΤΙ</w>§<w lang="el-GR">Σ</w></emph> . In the Hannibalic War Locri was in Punic hands from after <a class="linkToPlace" target="_blank" href="/place?placename=Cannae&groupId=430&placeId=797">Cannae</a> until 205. The definitive foedus here mentioned may be from this date. On the obligation of the socii nauales to provide ships see i. 20. 14 n.; Badian, 28–30, 292; and for the two triremes provided against Perseus see the last note but one.

12.5.3 - 12.5.3

<emph rend="bold"><w lang="el-GR">πᾶσιν . . . τοῖς τιμίοις καὶ φιλανθρώποις</w>:</emph> what these were is not known; but the vocabulary is that of contemporary honorary decrees, where they refer to such things as grants of proxeny, commemorative stelae, the vote of a crown, a place of honour at the theatre, etc. (see Pdech, ad loc.). Cf. Syll. 564, ll. 12–14; 669, l. 21; 748, l. 46; Welles, 369–70. For <w lang="el-GR">τὰ φιλάνθρωπα</w>, 'favours' or 'privileges', cf. iv. 26. 8; Syll. 502, l. 20, 548, l. 3 and commonly on inscriptions; Welles, 373.

12.5.4 - 12.5.4

<emph rend="bold"><w lang="el-GR">λέγειν καὶ γράφειν</w>:</emph> 'to affirm both in speech and writing' (Paton). The former must refer to some former occasion, and it is at least possible that P. means that he has written on this subject previously unless he is thinking of an earlier statement above, now lost. <emph rend="bold"><w lang="el-GR">τὴν ὑπ</w>f <w lang="el-GR">Ἀριστοτέλους . . . ἱστορίαν</w>:</emph> cf. 8. 2. Aristotle's version (see above, 5–16 n.) is also in Dion. Per. 364–6 (GGM, ii. 125): <w lang="el-GR">κεῖθεν δ</w>f<w lang="el-GR">ἐς βορέην Ζεφύρου παραφαίνεται ἄκρητῇ δ</w>f <w lang="el-GR">ὑπὸ Λοκροὶ ἔασιν, ὅσοι προτέροις ἐτεέ?σσινἦλθον ἐπ</w>f <w lang="el-GR">Αὐσονίην, σφετέρῃς μιχθέντες ἀνάσσῃς</w>. <milestone unit="page" n="332">[332]</milestone> See the scholia and Eustathius' commentary on this. P. has evidently discussed Aristotle's version and Timaeus' criticisms to some extent before our fragment opens.

12.5.5 - 12.5.5

<emph rend="bold"><w lang="el-GR">σύνοιδα . . . ὁμολογοῦσιν</w>:</emph> see 5–16 n. for Oldfather's suggestion that Aristotle and P. were misled by a version encouraged by the democrats to discredit the Hundred Families (§ 6 n.), who had supported Dionysius.

12.5.6 - 12.5.6

<emph rend="bold"><w lang="el-GR">πάντα τὰ διὰ προγόνων ἔνδοξα . . . ἀπὸ τῶν γυναικῶν</w>:</emph> this is an argument alleged by the Locrians to P., not (as far as we know) one raised by Aristotle. It derives matrilineal descent at Locri from the special circumstances of its foundation, and so permits no conclusions about matrilineal descent in the mother city. Indeed, if true, it would weigh against the view that descent in metropolitan Locris (eastern or western) was matrilineal. See Lerat, ii. 138–40 and De Sanctis, Storiografia siceliota, 59, against Oldfather, RE, '<a class="linkToPlace" target="_blank" href="/place?placename=Lokris&groupId=696&placeId=1275">Lokris</a>', col. 1257. There is some slight independent evidence that women were highly regarded in Locri. Pindar may hint at it when he writes of <w lang="el-GR">Ζεφυρία . . . Λοκρὶς παρθένος</w> (Pyth. ii. 18–19); and in Anth. Pal. vi. 265 Nossis names her mother and grandmother (but not her grandfather). Bachofen, in his controversial account of 'matriarchy' (Das Mutterrecht, Stuttgart, 1861, xvii ff.), suggests that matriarchal societies show certain erotic and licentious traits, and Oldfather (RE, 'Lokroi', col. 1345–6, 1350–1) claims to find evidence of these at Locri. He mentions the erotic poetesses Theano and Nossis, the erotic poems of Mnaseas and the famous <w lang="el-GR">Λοκρικὰ ᾄσματα</w>, Iustinus' story (Iust. xxi. 3. 2) of the vow of the Locrians to prostitute their daughters, and an obscure hint at something similar by Clearchus (Athen. xii. 516 A). It is doubtful if Bachofen's 'matriarchy' ever existed in the form he describes; and though matrilineal descent might reduce the importance of chastity, the evidence which Oldfather quotes from Locri seems trivial and all easily paralleled from normal societies no less productive of poetesses and salacious anecdotes. However, this does not mean that matrilineal descent did not exist at Locri. If that were so, the foundation legend would be hard to account for. Moreover, there are parallel cases of matrilineal customs in <a class="linkToPlace" target="_blank" href="/place?placename=Lycia&groupId=711&placeId=1304">Lycia</a> (Herod. i. 173. 4; Nic. Dam., FGH, 90 F 103 (k); cf. Hom. Il. vi. 186) and elsewhere (cf. Toepffer, RE, 'Amazones', cols. 1768 ff.; Oldfather, RE, '<a class="linkToPlace" target="_blank" href="/place?placename=Lokris&groupId=696&placeId=1275">Lokris</a>', cols. 1255 ff.; Kornemann, RE, Suppl.-B. vi, 'Mutterrecht', cols. 557–71). Why it appears at Locri is, however, unknown. Brard, 202–3, suggests plausibly that it was taken over from the indigenous population (despite the scanty archaeological evidence for any overlap in occupation). Toepffer, Att. Geneal. 195, derives it from the Leleges, ancestors of the Locrians; but no evidence connects it with mainland Greece. <emph rend="bold"><w lang="el-GR">τοὺς ἀπὸ τῶν ἑκατὸν οἰκιῶν λεγομένους</w>:</emph> the Hundred Families at <milestone unit="page" n="333">[333]</milestone> Locri are derived by P., presumably still on the basis of local information, from the Hundred Families in metropolitan Locris, where they are the families from which the Locrian maidens were sent to Troy (cf. § 7 n.). That they derived their pre-eminence from supplying the maidens is not stated; and Lerat (ii. 137 n. 2) seems right in suggesting that the connexion between the Hundred Houses and the tribute is the reverse, and that it was because they already constituted a nobility that the task was assigned to them. The tribute of the maidens appears to be already an established custom before the founding of Epizephyrian Locri. From which Locris Italian Locri was colonized is a problem already debated in antiquity. Ephorus (FGH, 70 F 138), followed by Ps.-Scymnus, 312–16, favoured Opuntian Locris (so too Paus. iii. 19. 12); and Roman writers also associate Locri with Naryca in east Locris (Virg. Georg. ii. 438; Aen. iii. 399 with Servius' comments; Ovid, Met. xv. 704; Colum. x. 386), as do Solin. 2. 10 and the scholiast on Dion. Perieg. 366. Eustathius on the same passage, however, supports west Locris (confusedly), following Strabo, vi. 259. The name of the oecist, Euanthes, perhaps suggests a connexion with the west Locrian town of Oeanthea/Euanthea (though less certainly if Euanthes is an ancient name, since the older name of the town is Oeanthea: Lerat, ii. 23 n. 8). A joint foundation is not impossible (Oldfather, RE, 'Lokroi', col. 1313); but the weight of the evidence favours east Locris for two reasons: (a) West Locris is geographically the more likely, hence the persistent tradition of an east Locrian origin must be taken seriously. (b) The association of the Hundred Families with those which furnished the Trojan tribute of maidens points clearly to east Locris, for this tribute links closely with the legend of Ajax (see below), whom incidentally the men of Italian Locri invoked in battle (Paus. iii. 19. 12). Although there is a little evidence for the cult of Ajax in west Locris (see the 'Maiden inscription' published by Wilhelm, Jahresh. 1911, 163–256; Nikitsky's improved text in Schwyzer, 366), the main centres of the worship were at Opus and Naryca (IG. iv. 1136; scholiast to Pind. Ol. ix. 166). Although P. nowhere, in surviving fragments, specifically indicates which Locris he is referring to (despite this being one of the complaints made against Timaeus in 10. 1–3), the association with the Hundred Families suggests east Locris. The notion (Lerat, ii. 137) that some of the Hundred Families were situated in west Locris is not very convincing. Independent evidence for the Hundred Families in Greece is slight. But it has been held, perhaps rightly, that the 100 hostages taken by <a class="linkToPlace" target="_blank" href="/place?placename=Athens&groupId=379&placeId=715">Athens</a> from the Opuntians after the battle of Oenophyta in 457 (Thuc. i. 108. 3) were representatives of the Hundred Houses (cf. Oldfather, RE, '<a class="linkToPlace" target="_blank" href="/place?placename=Lokris&groupId=696&placeId=1275">Lokris</a>', col. 1244); they were chosen as <w lang="el-GR">τοὺς πλουσιωτάτους</w>. The existence of a council of <milestone unit="page" n="334">[334]</milestone> a Thousand at Locri and Opuntian Locris (cf. 16. 10 n.) supports the same view; but there may have been such a council at west Locris too. See, besides Oldfather (locc. citt.), Busolt–Swoboda, ii. 1457; Brard, 199–202; De Sanctis, Storiografia siceliota, 62 (favouring west Locris).

12.5.7 - 12.5.7

<emph rend="bold"><w lang="el-GR">τὰς ἀποσταλησομένας παρθένους εἰς Ἴλιον</w>:</emph> tradition recorded that in expiation for violence shown Cassandra by Ajax son of Oileus a Delphic oracle required the Locrians to sent two maidens chosen by lot to Lium, where if they succeeded in eluding the men of <a class="linkToPlace" target="_blank" href="/place?placename=Ilium&groupId=645&placeId=1183">Ilium</a> (who barbarously killed them if they caught them) they took up menial service in the temple of Athena. This obligation was to last 1,000 years, but after the Phocian War the Locrians ceased sending these tribute-maidens (epit. Apollod. 6. 22; Tzetzes on Lycophron, Alex. 1141 = Timaeus, FGH, 566 F 146though whether Tzetzes has correctly attributed the story to Timaeus has been doubted), perhaps in 346, perhaps a little later. Some time in the third century <a class="linkToPlace" target="_blank" href="/place?placename=Delphi&groupId=534&placeId=363">Delphi</a> forced the Locrians to resume the tribute, and to submit the regulation of the details to King Antigonus (almost certainly Gonatas) (Ael. fg. 47 Hercher, ii, p. 205); this probably resulted in a relaxation of the more archaic features of the custom. Finally, an inscription published by Wilhelm (Jahresh. 1911, 163–256; Schwyzer, 366) records the assumption of the burden by the family of the Aianteioi of Naryca in return for various privileges. The custom continued until the time of Plutarch's source in Mor. 557 c (probably Poseidonius; cf. Barigazzi, Athen. 1948, 52 n. 2). Its origin is dated by some sources to two years after the fall of Troy a view which implied some survival of the citybut by Demetrius of Scepsis (who refuses to equate <a class="linkToPlace" target="_blank" href="/place?placename=Ilium&groupId=645&placeId=1183">Ilium</a> with Troy) to the time of the Persian occupation of Asia Minor (Strabo, xiii. 600). At first the maidens were sent for life (Timaeus, FGH, 566 F 146 a = schol. on Lycoph. Alex. 1155; Lycoph. Alex. 1141–73; epit. Apollod. 6. 22), but in the fourth and third centuries annually (Ael. fg. 47 Hercher; Strabo, xiii. 600; schol. to Lycoph. Alex. 1141; Serv. ad Aen. i. 41, who says only one maiden was sent). See A. Momigliano, CQ, 1945, 49–53, for discussion of the custom from the fourth century onwards; Jacoby on FGH, 566 F 164; Lerat, ii. 19–22; Treves, Euforione, 39–48; De Sanctis, Storiografia siceliota, 59–62. See Addenda. On the assumption that the legend of Ajax and Cassandra was invented to explain the practice of sending the maidens, many hypotheses have been proposed and evidence adduced to explain this, including a Locrian settlement at <a class="linkToPlace" target="_blank" href="/place?placename=Ilium&groupId=645&placeId=1183">Ilium</a>, an etymological link between <a class="linkToPlace" target="_blank" href="/place?placename=Ilium&groupId=645&placeId=1183">Ilium</a> and Oileus, Ajax's father, and the existence of a tomb of Ajax near Cape Rhoeteium (Strabo, xiii. 595). For bibliography on these and other unconvincing suggestions see the works quoted in Momigliano, CQ, 1945, 52 n. 2; Lerat, ii. 19–21; Parke–Wormell, The Delphic Oracle <emph rend="superscript">2</emph> (Oxford, 1956), i. 326–9, ii. 134–5. The origin of the <milestone unit="page" n="335">[335]</milestone> custom is not, however, relevant to P. and his discussion of Timaeus. On the Locrian maidens see E. Manni, 'Le Locridi nella letteratura de III sec. a.C.', in Miscellanea Rostagni, 166–79, and G. L. Huxley, 'Troy VIII and the Locrian Maidens', in Ancient Society and Institutions: Studies presented to Victor Ehrenberg (Oxford, 1966), 147–64.

12.5.8 - 12.5.8

<emph rend="bold"><w lang="el-GR">ὧν τοὺς ἀπογόνους . . . εὐγενεῖς νομίζεσθαι</w>:</emph> the circumstances would explain why nobility was in the first instance derived from the female side; the weakness of the argument propounded to P. by the Locrians is that it does not explain why nobility should continue to be so derivedwhy, for example, the sons of these women from the Hundred Families did not transmit their rank to their children.

12.5.9 - 12.5.9

<emph rend="bold"><w lang="el-GR">τῆς φιαληφόρου . . . λεγομένης</w>:</emph> the cupbearer. This priestess was probably concerned with the cult of Persephone, the chief goddess of Locri, whose sacred enclosure has been excavated in the district of Mannella, to the north of the town; Diod. xxvii. 4. 2 calls it <w lang="el-GR">τὸ ἐπιφανέστατον τῶν κατὰ τὴν Ἰταλίαν</w>, and it was known to lie outside the walls (Livy, xxix. 18. 16 f.). Here Orsi found large numbers of phialai, as he did at the shrine of Persephone at Medma (Rosarno); cf. Orsi, Not. d. scav. suppl. 1913, 138 ff.; Pagenstecher, AA, 1916, 103. Kock (CAF, ii. 144), recalling Anaxandrides' <w lang="el-GR">Λοκρίδες</w>, would associate his <w lang="el-GR">Φιαληφόρος</w> with Locri; but nothing can be deduced from mere titles.

12.5.10 - 12.5.10

<emph rend="bold"><w lang="el-GR">καθ</w>f <w lang="el-GR">ὃν καιρὸν τοὺς Σικελοὺς ἐκβάλοιεν</w>:</emph> cf. Polyaen. vi. 22, <w lang="el-GR">τοὺς Σικελοὺς ἀνεῖλον οἱ Λοκροί</w>; below, 6. 1–5. The presence of Sicels in this area before the arrival of the Greeks is confirmed by Thuc. vi. 2. 4. They were a people speaking a language with Illyrian affinities, and with a culture which showed Aegean elements. Though ancient tradition brought them from <a class="linkToPlace" target="_blank" href="/place?placename=Italy&groupId=656&placeId=1199">Italy</a> to eastern <a class="linkToPlace" target="_blank" href="/place?placename=Sicily&groupId=973&placeId=1724">Sicily</a> (cf. Hellanicus, FGH, 4 F 79 b, making a distinction between Sicels and Sicans which is not confirmed by archaeology; Philistus, FGH, 556 F 46) before the Trojan War, or (Thuc. vi. 2. 4) 300 years before the Greek colonies were founded, the Sicel sites among the Bruttii do not go back beyond the tenth century and suggest a movement from <a class="linkToPlace" target="_blank" href="/place?placename=Sicily&groupId=973&placeId=1724">Sicily</a> to <a class="linkToPlace" target="_blank" href="/place?placename=Italy&groupId=656&placeId=1199">Italy</a> rather than the reverse (Dunbabin, 40–41). There are three prehellenic cemeteries on the site of Locri, probably associated with separate Sicel settlements; they contain Greek geometric vases, but show no overlap with the Greek occupation (Orsi, Not. d. scav. 1902, 39 ff.; 1909, 319 ff.; suppl. 1912, 3 ff.; 'Appunti di protostoria e storia locrese' in Saggi di storia antica . . . offerti a G. Beloch (<a class="linkToPlace" target="_blank" href="/place?placename=Rome&groupId=935&placeId=1669">Rome</a>, 1910), 155 ff.; Oldfather, RE, 'Lokroi', col. 1310). The Greek colonization is dated 'a little after that of Croton (708) and <a class="linkToPlace" target="_blank" href="/place?placename=Syracuse&groupId=994&placeId=1753">Syracuse</a> (734)' by Strabo, vi. 259, and an association with the First Messenian War (whether the story of the slaves is true or not) would fit a date a little before 700 (cf. Oldfather, RE, 'Lokroi', cols. 1311–12); but Eusebius makes it 673 (Armenian version) or 678 (Jerome), and the archaeological evidence for the earliest Greek graves supports this date (so Dunbabin, 445, 452 ff.; but the matter remains controversial). <milestone unit="page" n="336">[336]</milestone> <emph rend="bold"><w lang="el-GR">πλείω τῶν Σικελικῶν ἐθῶν παραλαβόντες</w>:</emph> Oldfather thinks the preeminent position of Persephone rather than Demeter, and the existence of a cult of Hades at Locri (but not at Locris in Greece) may derive from native influences (Phil. 1908, 431 ff.; 1910, 114 ff.; RE, 'Lokroi', cols. 1310–11), likewise the location of the temple of Persephone, which stood outside the walls. Neither hypothesis can be proved correct. Oldfather's statement (RE, 'Lokroi', col. 1310) that P. is thinking of matrilineal institutions is clearly false, since P. regarded these as springing from the special circumstances of the foundation of Locri; and though there were Greeks here for some time before this (Strabo, vi. 270; Ps.-Scymnus, 277–8; Dunbabin, 14, 445), the archaeological evidence excludes any period of coexistence of Greeks and Sicels at Locri after the foundation (cf. K. F. Johansen, Les vases sicyoniens (Paris–Copenhagen, 1923), 182; Dunbabin, 184). <emph rend="bold"><w lang="el-GR">διὰ τὸ μηδὲν αὐτοῖς πάτριον ὑπάρχειν</w>:</emph> improbable. See the discussion of Dunbabin, 184–5, and Pdech on 5. 9.

12.5.11 - 12.5.11

<emph rend="bold"><w lang="el-GR">ἀλλὰ παρθένον</w>:</emph> they may have told P. this at Locri; its truth is doubtful.

Addenda & corrigenda

12.5.7 - 12.5.7

on the Locrian maidens see E. Manni, 'Le Locridi nella letteratura de III sec. a.C.', in Miscellanea Rostagni, 166–79, and G. L. Huxley, 'Troy VIII and the Locrian Maidens', in Ancient Society and Institutions: Studies presented to Victor Ehrenberg (Oxford, 1966), 147–64.

12.5.0 - 12.16.0

on the origins of the inhabitants of Locri see S. Pembroke, Annales, 1970, 1240–70. He relates the view of Aristotle, followed by P., to the tradition preserved in Schol. Dion. Per. 366 (GGM, ii. 445 l. 30) that the slaves had sexual relations with their mistresses and fled with them to <a class="linkToPlace" target="_blank" href="/place?placename=Italy&groupId=656&placeId=1199">Italy</a> when their masters returned; and he applies the statement that nobility was reckoned <w lang="el-GR">ἀπὸ τῶν γυναικῶν</w> only to the first generation (after which descent in Locri was reckoned as it was anywhere else). This view depends on the assumption that the story of the adulterous wives was true; in the commentary I assumed that it was devised to explain matrilineal vestiges surviving at Locri. The tradition is also discussed by Christiane SourvinouInwood, CQ, 1974, 186–98, who points out that the attribution of the foundation-legend of Locri to democratic propaganda directed against the Hundred Families is open to the objection that it would be equally discreditable to the democrats (but presumably birth was less important to them). Associating it closely with the legend of Tarentum, she regards it as reflecting a period of intimate relations between Tarentum and Locri, probably in the sixth century. Both accounts she regards as legendary and as expressions of a 'reversed world', in which normal relationships are inverted (so that women and slaves play the major roles) but subsequently give way to order and a return to normal conditions; the story would thus reflect a non-rational, mythopoeic structure of thought.

12.5.2 - 12.5.2

<emph rend="bold">5. 2. <w lang="el-GR">τῆς εἰς Ἰβηρίαν στρατείας κτλ</w>.:</emph> Cuntz's view that the reference is to the campaigns of D. Iunius Brutus (138/7) and the wars against the Vardaei and Scordisci (135) is accepted by Lehmann, Entretiens sur Polybe, 153–4 n. 2.

Polybius, Histories

Bibliography

Archaeology

Places

Walbank Commentary

Commentary