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Book 12 - Chapter 4a

1
<head lang="la">III. De Aliis Timaei Erroribus</head><w lemma="%2A%28%2Foti">Ὅτι</w> <w lemma="diasu%2Fras">διασύρας</w> <w lemma="o%28">ὁ</w> <w lemma="%2Apolu%2Fbios">Πολύβιος</w> <w lemma="to%5Cn">τὸν</w> <w lemma="%2Ati%2Fmaion">Τίμαιον</w> <w lemma="e%29n">ἐν</w> <w lemma="polloi%3Ds">πολλοῖς</w> <w lemma="au%29%3Dqi%2Fs">αὖθίς</w> <w lemma="fhsi:">φησι·</w> <w lemma="%2Ati%2Fs">Τίς</w> <w lemma="a%29%5Cn">ἂν</w> <w lemma="e%29%2Fti">ἔτι</w> <w lemma="doi%2Fh">δοίη</w> <w lemma="suggnw%2Fmhn">συγγνώμην</w> <w lemma="e%29pi%5C">ἐπὶ</w> <w lemma="toi%3Ds">τοῖς</w> <w lemma="toiou%2Ftois">τοιούτοις</w> <w lemma="a%28marth%2Fmasin">ἁμαρτήμασιν</w> <w lemma="a%29%2Fllws">ἄλλως</w> <w lemma="te">τε</w> <w lemma="kai%5C">καὶ</w> <w lemma="%2Atimai%2Fw%7C">Τιμαίῳ</w> <w lemma="tw%3D%7C">τῷ</w> <w lemma="prosfuome%2Fnw%7C">προσφυομένῳ</w> <w lemma="toi%3Ds">τοῖς</w> <w lemma="a%29%2Fllois">ἄλλοις</w> <w lemma="pro%5Cs">πρὸς</w> <w lemma="ta%5Cs">τὰς</w> <w lemma="toiau%2Ftas">τοιαύτας</w> <w lemma="parwnuxi%2Fas">παρωνυχίας</w>;
2
<w lemma="e%29n">ἐν</w> <w lemma="ai%28%3Ds">αἷς</w> <w lemma="%2Aqeopo%2Fmpou">Θεοπόμπου</w> <w lemma="me%5Cn">μὲν</w> <w lemma="kathgorei%3D">κατηγορεῖ</w> <w lemma="dio%2Fti">διότι</w> <w lemma="%2Adionusi%2Fou">Διονυσίου</w> <w lemma="poihsame%2Fnou">ποιησαμένου</w> <w lemma="th%5Cn">τὴν</w> <w lemma="a%29nakomidh%5Cn">ἀνακομιδὴν</w> <w lemma="e%29k">ἐκ</w> <w lemma="%2Asikeli%2Fas">Σικελίας</w> <w lemma="ei%29s">εἰς</w> <w lemma="%2Ako%2Frinqon">Κόρινθον</w> <w lemma="e%29n">ἐν</w> <w lemma="makra%3D%7C">μακρᾷ</w> <w lemma="nhi%2F">νηί</w>, <w lemma="%2Aqeo%2Fpompo%2Fs">Θεόπομπός</w> <w lemma="fhsin">φησιν</w> <w lemma="e%29n">ἐν</w> <w lemma="stroggu%2Flh%7C">στρογγύλῃ</w> <w lemma="paragene%2Fsqai">παραγενέσθαι</w> <w lemma="to%5Cn">τὸν</w> <w lemma="%2Adionu%2Fsion">Διονύσιον</w>,
3
<w lemma="%2A%29efo%2Frou">Ἐφόρου</w> <w lemma="de%5C">δὲ</w> <w lemma="pa%2Flin">πάλιν</w> <w lemma="a%29%2Fgnoian">ἄγνοιαν</w> <w lemma="katayeu%2Fdetai">καταψεύδεται</w>, <w lemma="fa%2Fskwn">φάσκων</w> <w lemma="le%2Fgein">λέγειν</w> <w lemma="au%29to%5Cn">αὐτὸν</w> <w lemma="o%28%2Fti">ὅτι</w> <w lemma="%2Adionu%2Fsios">Διονύσιος</w> <w lemma="o%28">ὁ</w> <w lemma="presbu%2Fteros">πρεσβύτερος</w> <w lemma="parela%2Fmbane">παρελάμβανε</w> <w lemma="th%5Cn">τὴν</w> <w lemma="a%29rxh%5Cn">ἀρχὴν</w> <w lemma="e%29tw%3Dn">ἐτῶν</w> <w lemma="ei%29%2Fkosi">εἴκοσι</w> <w lemma="triw%3Dn">τριῶν</w> <w lemma="u%28pa%2Frxwn">ὑπάρχων</w>, <w lemma="dunasteu%2Fsai">δυναστεύσαι</w> <w lemma="de%5C">δὲ</w> <w lemma="tettara%2Fkonta">τετταράκοντα</w> <w lemma="kai%5C">καὶ</w> <w lemma="du%2Fo">δύο</w>, <w lemma="metalla%2Fcai">μεταλλάξαι</w> <w lemma="de%5C">δὲ</w> <w lemma="to%5Cn">τὸν</w> <w lemma="bi%2Fon">βίον</w> <w lemma="proslabw%5Cn">προσλαβὼν</w> <w lemma="toi%3Ds">τοῖς</w> <w lemma="e%28ch%2Fkonta">ἑξήκοντα</w> <w lemma="tri%2Fa:">τρία·</w>
4
<w lemma="tou%3Dto">τοῦτο</w> <w lemma="ga%5Cr">γὰρ</w> <w lemma="ou%29dei%5Cs">οὐδεὶς</w> <w lemma="a%29%5Cn">ἂν</w> <w lemma="ei%29%2Fpeie">εἴπειε</w> <w lemma="dh%2Fpou">δήπου</w> <w lemma="tou%3D">τοῦ</w> <w lemma="suggrafe%2Fws">συγγραφέως</w> <w lemma="ei%29%3Dnai">εἶναι</w> <w lemma="to%5C">τὸ</w> <w lemma="dia%2Fptwma">διάπτωμα</w>, <w lemma="tou%3D">τοῦ</w> <w lemma="de%5C">δὲ</w> <w lemma="grafe%2Fws">γραφέως</w> <w lemma="o%28mologoume%2Fnws:">ὁμολογουμένως·</w>
5
<w lemma="h%29%5C">ἢ</w> <w lemma="ga%5Cr">γὰρ</w> <w lemma="dei%3D">δεῖ</w> <w lemma="to%5Cn">τὸν</w> <w lemma="%2A%29%2Feforon">Ἔφορον</w> <w lemma="u%28perbebhke%2Fnai">ὑπερβεβηκέναι</w> <w lemma="th%3D%7C">τῇ</w> <w lemma="mwri%2Fa%7C">μωρίᾳ</w> <w lemma="kai%5C">καὶ</w> <w lemma="to%5Cn">τὸν</w> <w lemma="%2Ako%2Froibon">Κόροιβον</w> <w lemma="kai%5C">καὶ</w> <w lemma="to%5Cn">τὸν</w> <w lemma="%2Amargi%2Fthn">Μαργίτην</w>, <w lemma="ei%29">εἰ</w> <w lemma="mh%5C">μὴ</w> <w lemma="dunato%5Cs">δυνατὸς</w> <w lemma="h%29%3Dn">ἦν</w> <w lemma="sullogi%2Fzesqai">συλλογίζεσθαι</w> <w lemma="dio%2Fti">διότι</w> <w lemma="ta%5C">τὰ</w> <w lemma="tettara%2Fkonta">τετταράκοντα</w> <w lemma="kai%5C">καὶ</w> <w lemma="du%2Fo">δύο</w> <w lemma="prosteqe%2Fnta">προστεθέντα</w> <w lemma="toi%3Ds">τοῖς</w> <w lemma="ei%29%2Fkosi">εἴκοσι</w> <w lemma="kai%5C">καὶ</w> <w lemma="trisi%5Cn">τρισὶν</w> <w lemma="e%28ch%2Fkonta">ἑξήκοντα</w> <w lemma="gi%2Fnetai">γίνεται</w> <w lemma="kai%5C">καὶ</w> <w lemma="pe%2Fnte:">πέντε·</w>
6
<w lemma="h%29%5C">ἢ</w> <w lemma="tou%2Ftou">τούτου</w> <w lemma="mhdamw%3Ds">μηδαμῶς</w> <w lemma="a%29%5Cn">ἂν</w> <w lemma="pisteuqe%2Fntos">πιστευθέντος</w> <w lemma="u%28pe%5Cr">ὑπὲρ</w> <w lemma="%2A%29efo%2Frou">Ἐφόρου</w> <w lemma="fanero%5Cn">φανερὸν</w> <w lemma="o%28%2Fti">ὅτι</w> <w lemma="to%5C">τὸ</w> <w lemma="me%5Cn">μὲν</w> <w lemma="a%28ma%2Frthma">ἁμάρτημα</w> ?<w lemma=""></w>* <w lemma="e%29sti">ἐστι</w> <w lemma="tou%3D">τοῦ</w> <w lemma="grafe%2Fws">γραφέως</w>, <w lemma="to%5C">τὸ</w> <w lemma="de%5C">δὲ</w> <w lemma="%2Atimai%2Fou">Τιμαίου</w> <w lemma="filepi%2Ftimon">φιλεπίτιμον</w> <w lemma="kai%5C">καὶ</w> <w lemma="file%2Fgklhmon">φιλέγκλημον</w> <w lemma="ou%29dei%5Cs">οὐδεὶς</w> <w lemma="a%29%5Cn">ἂν</w> <w lemma="a%29pode%2Fcaito">ἀποδέξαιτο</w>.
<head>III. Other Errors made by Timaeus</head>Who could continue to pardon such faults, especially when committed by Timaeus who is so fond of cavilling at similar blemishes in others?
For instance, he accuses Theopompus of stating that Dionysius was conveyed from <a class="linkToPlace" target="_blank" href="/place?placename=Sicily&groupId=973&placeId=1724">Sicily</a> to <a class="linkToPlace" target="_blank" href="/place?placename=Corinth&groupId=493&placeId=928">Corinth</a> in a merchant ship, whereas he really travelled in a warship,
and again he falsely accuses Ephorus of making a blunder because he tells us that the elder Dionysius began to reign at the age of twenty-three, reigned for forty-two years, and died at the age of sixty-three.
For surely no one could say that the mistake here was the author's, but it is obviously the scribe's.
Either Ephorus must have surpassed Coroebus and Margites in stupidity if he could not reckon that forty-two added to twenty-three make sixty-five,
or as nobody would believe this of Ephorus, the mistake is evidently due to the scribe. No one, however, could approve of Timaeus' love of cavilling and fault-finding.

Walbank Commentary

Overview
12.2.0 - 12.4.0
<p rend="Plain Text">Some errors of Timaeus on the fauna of <a class="linkToPlace" target="_blank" href="/place?placename=Africa&groupId=300&placeId=294">Africa</a> and Corsica</p> <p rend="Plain Text"> From the excerpta antiqua (F). On Timaeus see i. 5. 1–5 n.; to references there add T. S. Brown, Timaeus of Tauromenium (Berkeley <milestone unit="page" n="321">[321]</milestone> Los Angeles, 1958); Walbank, JRS, 1962, 1–12. P.'s remarks on </p> <p rend="Plain Text"><a class="linkToPlace" target="_blank" href="/place?placename=Africa&groupId=300&placeId=294">Africa</a> suggest personal knowledge of the country; and this would make the composition of these chapters later than 146 (see above, p. 317).</p>
12.4.0 - 12.4.0
<p rend="Plain Text">More errors of Timaeus</p> <p rend="Plain Text"> That this fragment follows the account of Timaeus' errors about <a class="linkToPlace" target="_blank" href="/place?placename=Africa&groupId=300&placeId=294">Africa</a> is clear from 4 c 2; see above, p. 19. The points here criticized seem to be chosen arbitrarily by P., but, as Pdech observes, each chapter is devoted to a distinct fault or faults, viz.: 4 a, cavilling and fault-finding <w lang="el-GR">(τὸ</w> <emph rend="italics"><w lang="el-GR">φιλεπ</w></emph> <w lang="el-GR">ίτιμον καὶ φιλέγκλημον</w>, § 6), 4 b and 4 c, ignorance and pedantic irrelevance <w lang="el-GR">(ὀψιμαθία</w>, 4 c 1), 4 d, inaccuracy <w lang="el-GR">(ψευδολογία</w>, § 4). </p>
12.4.0 - 12.16.0
<p rend="Plain Text">Timaeus' criticisms of Aristotle about Locri: his criticisms of Callisthenes, Demochares, and Agathocles</p> <p rend="Plain Text"> <emph rend="bold">P.</emph> now passes to a discussion of Timaeus' criticisms of his predecessors (cf. 23. 8) and the polemic about Locri forms part of this section (cf. Pdech, p. xviii). On the view that Timaeus' opinions about Locri furnished the occasion for P. to devote this book to criticism of him see the introductory note, above, p. 317. Aristotle's account of the origins of Epizephyrian Locri was probably contained in his Constitutions, which may well have dealt with foundations too, for Plutarch (Mor. 1093 C) refers to them as <w lang="el-GR">κτίσεις καὶ πολιτεῖαι</w> (cf. Sandys, Aristotle's Constitution of <a class="linkToPlace" target="_blank" href="/place?placename=Athens&groupId=379&placeId=715">Athens</a> <emph rend="superscript">2</emph> (London, 1912), xxix). In 11. 5 P. implies that Theophrastus shared Aristotle's account perhaps in his three books <w lang="el-GR">Νομοθετῶν</w> (Diog. Laert. v. 45), which seem to have touched on Zaleucus (cf. Cic. de leg. ii. 15; ad Att. vi. 1. 18), or alternatively in his twenty-four books <w lang="el-GR">Νόμων κατὰ στοιχεῖον</w> (Diog. Laert. v. 44; Cic. fin. v. 11); and indeed in his treatise On Drunkenness Theophrastus mentioned Zaleucus' law punishing the drinking of wine without a doctor's prescription by death (Theophr. fg. 117 Wimmer = Athen. x. 429). The reference is, however, merely to Timaeus' rejection of Theophrastus and there is no positive evidence that P. was personally familiar with his account. All that P. quotes from Aristotle too (at least in surviving fragments) comes via Timaeus' criticism, and it is possible, despite 9. 1, that P. merely took Aristotle's version from Timaeus and what he was told himself at Locri (cf. von Scala, 127; Ziegler, RE, 'Polybios (1)', col. 1470; Brown, 127 n. 7, correctly observes, however, that this can be only a hypothesis). </p> <p rend="Plain Text"> Timaeus' criticism of Aristotle was in his ninth book (FGH, 566 F 11) and this digression arose either in connexion with Pythagoras or else out of his account of the history of <a class="linkToPlace" target="_blank" href="/place?placename=Magna Graecia&groupId=728&placeId=1334">Magna Graecia</a> in the sixth century (so Jacoby, commentary on FGH, 566 F 11–12); Schwartz (Hermes, 1899, 484) argued that as the Locrian laws were usually attributed to Zaleucus (16. 4 n.), who was accounted a Pythagorean, Timaeus, who rejected Zaleucus' existence (FGH, 566 F 130), may well have passed from discussing this question in connexion with Zaleucus to a general account of early Locrian history, and this is possible (cf. Laqueur, RE, 'Timaios (2)', col. 1078). Aristotle's acceptance of the story that Italian Locri was founded by slaves from Locris with whom free-born women had cohabited during their <milestone unit="page" n="330">[330]</milestone> husbands' absence as allies of the Spartans during the Messenian War (cf. 6 b 5 n.) is rejected by Timaeus on eight grounds: </p> <table cols="3" rows="8"> <row> <cell>(i)</cell> <cell /> <cell>the Locrians were not wont to have domestic slaves (6. 7–8);</cell> </row> <row> <cell>(ii)</cell> <cell /> <cell>the inherited friendship of Locri with <a class="linkToPlace" target="_blank" href="/place?placename=Sparta&groupId=660&placeId=1208">Sparta</a> (6 a 2);</cell> </row> <row> <cell>(iii)</cell> <cell /> <cell>the ravaging of Locri by the Athenians (6 b 3);</cell> </row> <row> <cell>(iv)</cell> <cell /> <cell>the Spartans would hardly have stopped the Locrians of Greece from visiting their wives during the Messenian War 6 b 5);</cell> </row> <row> <cell>(v)</cell> <cell /> <cell>the existence of a treaty between Greek Locris and Italian Locri <w lang="el-GR">ὡς γονεῦσι πρὸς τέκνα</w> (9. 3);</cell> </row> <row> <cell>(vi)</cell> <cell /> <cell>the existence of sympolity between the two states (9. 4);</cell> </row> <row> <cell>(vii)</cell> <cell /> <cell>the laws of Locri were those of a colony of free men (9. 5);</cell> </row> <row> <cell>(viii)</cell> <cell /> <cell>the constitution of Locri and its cultural institutions are similar to those of Locris (11. 5).</cell> </row> </table> <p rend="Plain Text">P.'s answers to these arguments are partly but not wholly valid; they are discussed in the notes (see also Walbank, JRS, 1962, 1–12). They fall into two groups: those based on personal inquiry at Locri (5–6. 6), and those based on probability (6. 7–11. 5). But as between the views of Aristotle and Timaeus, the latter seem to be the more convincing. The story of the slave origins of Locri parallels the similar story of the Partheniae at Tarentum (viii. 33. 9 n.); it seems to be implied in the version which made Locri also a Spartan foundation (Paus. iii. 3. 1). It probably arose in an attempt to explain the matrilineal customs of Locri (5. 6 n.) and may have been given additional prominence in democratic propaganda during the party struggles at the time of Dionysius II (Arist. Pol. vii (v). 7. 1307 a 38, <w lang="el-GR">ἡ Λοκρῶν πόλις ἀπώλετο ἐκ τῆς πρὸς Διονύσιον κηδείας)</w>, which sought to bring the 'Hundred Houses' (5. 6) into disrepute (so Oldfather, RE, 'Lokroi', col. 1315). Timaeus' rejection of it would be explained if he drew some of his information about Locri from a Locrian migr, Echecrates (10. 7 n.). Other points at issue between Aristotle and Timaeus are discussed in the notes. See in general Oldfather, RE, '<a class="linkToPlace" target="_blank" href="/place?placename=Lokris&groupId=696&placeId=1275">Lokris</a>', cols. 1255–62; 'Lokroi', cols. 1314–15, 1345–6; Dunbabin, 36–37, 183–5; Brown, 44–50; Brard, 201–6; Jacoby on FGH, 566 F 11–12; Lerat, ii. 22–25; Walbank, JRS, 1962, 1–12.</p> <p rend="Plain Text">On the origins of the inhabitants of Locri see S. Pembroke, Annales, 1970, 1240–70. He relates the view of Aristotle, followed by P., to the tradition preserved in Schol. Dion. Per. 366 (GGM, ii. 445 l. 30) that the slaves had sexual relations with their mistresses and fled with them to <a class="linkToPlace" target="_blank" href="/place?placename=Italy&groupId=656&placeId=1199">Italy</a> when their masters returned; and he applies the statement that nobility was reckoned <w lang="el-GR">ἀπὸ τῶν γυναικῶν</w> only to the first generation (after which descent in Locri was reckoned as it was anywhere else). This view depends on the assumption that the story of the adulterous wives was true; in the commentary I assumed that it was devised to explain matrilineal vestiges surviving at Locri. The tradition is also discussed by Christiane SourvinouInwood, CQ, 1974, 186–98, who points out that the attribution of the foundation-legend of Locri to democratic propaganda directed against the Hundred Families is open to the objection that it would be equally discreditable to the democrats (but presumably birth was less important to them). Associating it closely with the legend of Tarentum, she regards it as reflecting a period of intimate relations between Tarentum and Locri, probably in the sixth century. Both accounts she regards as legendary and as expressions of a 'reversed world', in which normal relationships are inverted (so that women and slaves play the major roles) but subsequently give way to order and a return to normal conditions; the story would thus reflect a non-rational, mythopoeic structure of thought.</p>
Specifics
12.4.4 - 12.4.4
<p rend="Plain Text"> <emph rend="bold"><w lang="el-GR">κακῶς καὶ παρέργως ἱστορήσας</w>:</emph> 'after careless and perfunctory inquiries' (Shuckburgh). </p> <p rend="Plain Text"> <emph rend="bold"><w lang="el-GR">ἐσχεδίασε</w>:</emph> 'he made this random statement', i.e. that the animals were wild. Brown (100) finds the point of P.'s criticism obscure; but it is not clear why he imagines that Timaeus 'had spoken of herds responding to the shepherd flute and that P. believes this is too commonplace to be worth recording in a history', for there is no evidence that Timaeus said anything about a flute; and indeed Diod. v. 14. 1 refers to <w lang="el-GR">τὰ . . . πρόβατα σημείοις διειλημμένα</w>, which <w lang="el-GR">κἂν μηδεὶς φυλά?ττῃ σῴζεται τοῖς κεκτημένοις</w>. On the wild animals of Corsica in Timaeus' time see F. Ruehl, Rh. Mus. 1907, 309. </p>
12.4.5 - 12.4.5
<p rend="Plain Text"> <emph rend="bold"><w lang="el-GR">οὐκ ἔστι θαυμάσιον</w>:</emph> Brown (100) claims that 'P. would not have argued from the behaviour of Italian herdsmen, had he ever visited <a class="linkToPlace" target="_blank" href="/place?placename=Corcyra&groupId=491&placeId=923">Corcyra</a> (sic: read 'Corsica')'. This does not follow: P. may be simply quoting a similar practice falling within his knowledge. </p>
12.4.8 - 12.4.8
<p rend="Plain Text"> <emph rend="bold"><w lang="el-GR">διὰ . . . τὴν πολυχειρίαν</w>:</emph> 'owing to the large labouring population' (Paton); cf. viii. 3. 3, 34. 11, x. 30. 8. On the large population of north <a class="linkToPlace" target="_blank" href="/place?placename=Italy&groupId=656&placeId=1199">Italy</a> cf. ii. 15. 7. </p> <p rend="Plain Text"> <emph rend="bold"><w lang="el-GR">καὶ μάλιστα [τὴν παλαίαν]</w>:</emph> so F, <w lang="el-GR">τὴν παραλίαν</w> Schweighaeuser; <w lang="el-GR">τὴν πλατεῖαν</w> (i.e. the flat area of Lombardy and Tuscany) Wunderer. Neither is satisfactory. Bttner-Wobst, with Wachsmuth, omits <w lang="el-GR">τὴν παλαίαν</w> as a corruption of <w lang="el-GR">τὴν Ἰταλίαν</w> repeated; alternatively one may read <w lang="el-GR">τὴν Γαλατίαν</w> and omit <w lang="el-GR">παρὰ . . . Γαλάταις</w> as a gloss with Pdech (REG, 1954, 394–5, and in his edition), who points out that P. does not use <w lang="el-GR">Τυρρηνικός</w> substantivally. </p> <p rend="Plain Text"> <emph rend="bold"><w lang="el-GR">τὴν υίαν τοκάδα χιλίους ἐκτρέφειν ὗς</w>:</emph> impossible, if P. means that one sow bore over 1,000 young. A sow might first bear at two years and continue with two litters a year up to the seventh year (Varro, RR, ii. 4. 7); a litter might be as many as twenty (Pliny, Nat. hist. viii. 205). But P. may have misunderstood an informant who told him that over 1,000 pigs were sprung from a single sow (including more than one generation). As Schweighaeuser observes, the logic is faulty; the size of litters is a cause, not a result of the large herds. Larsen, CP, 1969, 44, suggests translating: 'so that a single farrowing of a single herd produces a thousand or even more piglets'. <w lang="el-GR">τοκάς</w>, 'farrowing' is unattested, but plausible; and it would remove the apparently faulty logic, since the size of the herd is a cause of the large number of piglets produced at one farrowing. </p>
12.4.9 - 12.4.9
<p rend="Plain Text"> <emph rend="bold"><w lang="el-GR">διὸ καὶ κατὰ γένη . . . καὶ καθ</w>f <w lang="el-GR">ἡλικίαν τὰς . . . ἐξαγωγάς</w>:</emph> once <milestone unit="page" n="323">[323]</milestone> the pigs were weaned, which normally took place by two months after birth, they were separated from the sows (Varro, RR, ii. 4. 13); thus <w lang="el-GR">κατὰ γένη</w> will be 'according to breed' and <w lang="el-GR">καθ</w>f <w lang="el-GR">ἡλικίαν</w> 'according to age'. Varro (RR, ii. 4. 22) says that 100 is a reasonable size for a herd, but that some breeders go up to more than 300 (if this is his meaning). P., however, is thinking of much larger herds than this, hence <w lang="el-GR">(διό)</w> the subdivision into age groups and different breeds. In the comparable situation in Greece (§ 13) the two herds belong to different parties and Schweighaeuser thinks that P. 'singula genera (i.e. <w lang="el-GR">κατὰ γένη)</w> ea dicat, quae ad diuersos dominos atque colonos pertinent'. But P. seems to be clearly describing subdivisions of a single vast herd (though indeed the horn would equally well be used to sort out pigs belonging to different owners if they happened to intermingle in the woods). </p>
12.4.10 - 12.4.10
<p rend="Plain Text"> <emph rend="bold"><w lang="el-GR">συστημάτων</w>:</emph> 'groups', subdivisions of the herd <w lang="el-GR">κατὰ γένη καὶ καθ</w>f <w lang="el-GR">ἡλικίαν</w>, each under a separate swineherd. </p>
12.4.13 - 12.4.13
<p rend="Plain Text"> <emph rend="bold"><w lang="el-GR">ἐπειδὰν ἀλλήλοις συμπέσῃ</w>:</emph> separate herds belonging to different owners (§ 9 n.). </p> <p rend="Plain Text"> <emph rend="bold"><w lang="el-GR">κατευκαιρήσας</w>:</emph> probably 'and having the opportunity' (Paton) rather than 'who is rich' (Schweighaeuser, who takes it to mean 'qui maiorem porcorum copiam habet'). The latter meaning, accepted by Pdech, is less appropriate here, where the swineherds and not the actual owners are involved. </p>
12.4.14 - 12.4.14
<p rend="Plain Text"> <emph rend="bold"><w lang="el-GR">τὸν καρπόν</w>:</emph> cf. ii. 15. 2, where acorns are the food of swine. </p>
12.4.1 - 12.4.1
<p rend="Plain Text"> <emph rend="bold"><w lang="el-GR">ὅτι διασύρας . . . φησι</w>:</emph> the epitomator's words. </p> <p rend="Plain Text"> <emph rend="bold"><w lang="el-GR">τῷ πρασφυομένῳ τοῖς ἄλλοις</w>:</emph> 'who severely criticizes others', lit. 'who clings to, adheres to . . .'. </p> <p rend="Plain Text"> <emph rend="bold"><w lang="el-GR">παρωνυχίας</w>:</emph> 'trifles': lit. 'whitlows'; cf. Plut. Mor. 43 B; Cic. Rosc. Am. 128. </p>
12.4.2 - 12.4.2
<p rend="Plain Text"> <emph rend="bold"><w lang="el-GR">Θεοπόμπου μὲν κατηγορεῖ</w>:</emph> on Theopompus see viii. 8. 9–11 n., and, on his Sicilian books, Westlake, Historia, 1953–4, 288–307. </p> <p rend="Plain Text"> <emph rend="bold"><w lang="el-GR">Διονυσίου . . . εἰς Κόρινθον</w>:</emph> after the surrender of Dionysius II to Timoleon. Timoleon was sent out from <a class="linkToPlace" target="_blank" href="/place?placename=Corinth&groupId=493&placeId=928">Corinth</a> in 344 (Diod. xvi. 66. 1) and, according to Plutarch (Timol. 16), the tyrant <milestone unit="page" n="324">[324]</milestone> surrendered the citadel of <a class="linkToPlace" target="_blank" href="/place?placename=Syracuse&groupId=994&placeId=1753">Syracuse</a> to him within fifty days of his arrival; according to Diod. xvi. 70. 1 the surrender was in late summer 343 (see Beloch, iii. 2. 380–3; Westlake, Timoleon, 24). Theopompus' statement (FGH, 115 T 341) that Dionysius was sent in a single merchant ship to <a class="linkToPlace" target="_blank" href="/place?placename=Corinth&groupId=493&placeId=928">Corinth</a> is also in Diod. xvi. 70. 3, <w lang="el-GR">ὁ γὰρ ἔχων τετρακοσίας τριήρεις μετ</w>f <w lang="el-GR">ὀ?λίγος ἐν μικρῷ στρογγύλῳ πλοί?ῳ κατέπλευσεν εἰς τὴν Κόρινθον</w>; but Diodorus may have taken Theopompus' version from Timaeus, preferring it because of its greater rhetorical antithesis to Dionysius' former splendour (cf. Beloch, iii. 2. 48). Hammond, however, CQ, 1938, 137 ff., thinks that Diodorus followed Theopompus direct. Plutarch, Tim. 13. 4, has <w lang="el-GR">ἐπὶ μιᾶς νεώς</w>. Whether Timaeus or Theopompus spoke the truth is past knowing, for Theopompus can have exaggerated Dionysius' peripateia as easily as Timaeus can have transformed a merchant ship into a warship, the better to underline Timoleon's generosity (cf. Jacoby on FGH, 566 F 116–17). Pdech, ad loc., who thinks the warship was intended to guard Dionysius like a criminal, accepts Timaeus on the grounds that, living in <a class="linkToPlace" target="_blank" href="/place?placename=Athens&groupId=379&placeId=715">Athens</a>, he could consult witnesses of the event; but Theopompus may have had access to equally reliable sources. The present passage is quoted at FGH, 115 F 341 (Theopompus) and FGH, 566 F 117 (Timaeus). </p>
12.4.3 - 12.4.3
<p rend="Plain Text"> <emph rend="bold"><w lang="el-GR">Ἐφόρου δὲ πάλιν ἄγνοιαν καταψεύδεται</w>:</emph> so Bttner-Wobst for M <w lang="el-GR">πάλιν ὅταν καταψεύδηται</w>; but no correction is necessary. Pdech, ad loc. (following Wunderer, Phil. 1894, 59–60), points out that <w lang="el-GR">Ἐφόρου</w> is the object of <w lang="el-GR">κατηγορεῖ</w> (§ 2), like <w lang="el-GR">Θεοπόμπου</w>, the phrase <w lang="el-GR">ὅταν καταψεύδηται</w> forming a slight pleonasm, justified by the intervening words (cf. xxix. 9. 7). On Ephorus see iv. 20. 5 n. This passage is FGH, 70 F 218 (Ephorus) and FGH, 566 F 110 (Timaeus). </p> <p rend="Plain Text"> <emph rend="bold"><w lang="el-GR">Διονύσιος ὁ πρεσβύτερος κτλ</w>.:</emph> the dispute with Ephorus seems suggested by the name Dionysius, which reminds P. of the problem of the elder Dionysius' chronology (cf. viii. 9–11 n. and xv. 34–36 for similar examples of association). This chronology is still controversial. Ancient tradition agreed in putting Dionysius' death in the Attic archon year of Nausigenes, 368/7 (Diod. xv. 73. 5; Marm. Par. 74 (= FGH, 239 A 74)). His age was given as 63 by both Ephorus (as recorded here) and by Timaeus (in Cic. TD, v. 57, 'duodequadraginta annos tyrannus Syracusanorum fuit Dionysius, cum quinque et uiginti natus annos dominatum occupauisset'; that Timaeus is the source is generally agreed; cf. Jacoby, Das Marmor Parium (Berlin, 1904), 184); consequently Timaeus' criticism cannot have been levelled against this figure. P. does not say that it was. He merely points out, correctly, that 23+42 = 65, and that at any rate one of these numbers must therefore be inaccurately transmitted. Beloch (ii. 2. 259) assumes that the man who produced Timaeus' copy of Ephorus had written <w lang="el-GR">τετταράκοντα δύο</w> for <w lang="el-GR">δυοῖν δέοντα</w> <milestone unit="page" n="325">[325]</milestone> <w lang="el-GR">τετταράκοντα</w>; but Jacoby (Marmor Parium, 184) had already pointed out that this hypothesis would also involve adjusting <w lang="el-GR">εἴκοσι τριῶν</w> to <w lang="el-GR">εἴκοσι πέντε</w>. We know that Timaeus believed Dionysius to have been 25 when he seized power (Cicero, TD, v. 57, quoted above); but it is improbable that the copyist of Ephorus made two errors, and there are no grounds for thinking that Ephorus also accepted 25 as Dionysius' age when he seized the tyranny. Clearly P. is right in detecting a fault in Ephorus' figures, whether this was due to a copyist's slip or to Ephorus himself (a possibility not to be excluded, despite P.'s scorn). Jacoby (Marmor Parium, 184) has made a convincing suggestion as to where it lies. If Dionysius died in 368/7 at the age of 63, and seized power at the age of 23, this event was in 408/7, which is the date assigned to it by the Parian marble (A 62 and A 74); hence it is likely that the words <w lang="el-GR">καὶ δύο</w> have crept incorrectly into Ephorus' figures, and it may be assumed that he assigned Dionysius' birth to 431/0, his seizure of the tyranny to 408/7 and his death to 368/7. The Marmor Parium will follow Ephorus (Schwartz, Hermes, 1899, 486 n. 2). Timaeus, as we have seen, agreed in making him die at 63, but put his seizure of power at 25, hence probably in 406/5, the date to be found in Diod. xiii. 96. 2 (archonship of Callias) and Dion. Hal. vii. 1. 5; and if his death was in 368/7, this fits the generally accepted figure of 38 years for his tyranny (Diod. xiii. 96. 4, xv. 73. 5; Cic. TD, v. 57; ND, iii. 81; Val. Max. ix. 13 ext. 4; Helladius ap. Phot. Bibl. 279, p. 530 a 30 Bekker). The date 406/5 for the seizure of the tyranny probably goes back to Philistus (Jacoby, Marmor Parium, 184; Stroheker, 198 n. 56). In Plut. Mor. 717 c (= FGH, 566 F 105) Dionysius' seizure of power is synchronized with Euripides' death, which was in fact in 407/6; but here Timaeus seems to have forced the chronology for the sake of the synchronism (Jacoby ad loc.)unless indeed this refers not to the year, but to the day (Stroheker, 198 n. 56). Thus the essential difference between Timaeus' chronology and Ephorus' lies in the date assigned to the seizure of the tyranny by Dionysius. This, however, does not justify Brown's assertion (77) that this was the only objection raised by Timaeus, and that P. has not understood what the criticism was really about; for the arithmetical error is real, and there is no reason to doubt that Timaeus dealt with it. Jacoby's more recent suggestion (commenting on FGH 566 F 109–12) that Timaeus may have counted only complete years, and so have begun his thirty-eight years with 405/4 and come down to 367/6 for Dionysius' death, seems unnecessarily hypercritical. </p> <p rend="Plain Text"> For discussion see Jacoby, Marmor Parium, 184, commentary on FGH, 70 F 218 and 566 F 110; Beloch, ii. 2. 258 f.; iii. 2. 374–5; Stroheker, 196 n. 29, 198 n. 56, 237 n. 83; Niese, Hermes, 1904, 99 n. 1; Ed. Meyer, v. 65, 78; Kahrstedt, Forsch. 165 ff. <milestone unit="page" n="326">[326]</milestone> </p>
12.4.4 - 12.4.4
<p rend="Plain Text"> <emph rend="bold"><w lang="el-GR">τοῦ δὲ γραφέως ὁμολογουμένως</w>:</emph> not necessarily true (see last note). In xxxiv. 3. 11–12 P. similarly explains a difficulty in Homer as a textual error. </p>
12.4.5 - 12.4.5
<p rend="Plain Text"> <emph rend="bold"><w lang="el-GR">τὸν Κόροιβον καὶ τὸν Μαργίτην</w>:</emph> proverbial names for fools; cf. 25. 8 for Margites. Coroebus was a Phrygian, a suitor of Cassandra, who perished at the hands of Neoptolemus or Diomedes (Paus. x. 27. 1), or according to Virgil (Aen. ii. 425) at those of Peneleus. Servius remarks on Aen. ii. 341: 'tunc autem Coroebum stultum inducit Euphorion' and Eustathius (ad Od. p. 1669. 46) says Coroebus came too late to help Priam. For the phrase <w lang="el-GR">Κοροίβον ἠλιθιώτερος</w> see Lucian, Amor. 53 (where, as in Aelian, Var. hist. xiii. 15, he is associated with Melitides); and in general Leutsch, Corpus paroem. graec. i. 101, 58; Pape-Benseler, Wörterbuch der griechischen Eigennamen, s.v.; Wunderer, i. 98–99. Margites is the hero of the comic epic of that name, traditionally attributed to Homer; cf. Radermacher, RE, 'Margites', cols. 1705–8; Rh. Mus. 1908, 445 ff. (on lists of fools). </p>
12.4.1 - 12.4.1
<p rend="Plain Text"> <emph rend="bold"><w lang="el-GR">ἐν τοῖς περὶ? Πύρρου</w>:</emph> that Timaeus treated Pyrrhus separately from his main history is attested by Cicero (ad fam. v. 12. 2) and Dionysius (i. 6. 1) (= FGH, 566 T 9); but in how many books is not known (cf. Jacoby, FGH, 566, commentary pp. 545–6). </p> <p rend="Plain Text"> <emph rend="bold"><w lang="el-GR">τοὺς Ῥωμαίους . . . κατακοντίζειν ἵππον</w>:</emph> FGH, 566 F 36; cf. Festus, p. 178 M (p. 190, 11 Lindsay), 'October equus appellatur, qui in campo Martio mense Octobri immolatur quotannis Marti, bigarum uictricum dexterior . . . quem hostiae loco quidam Marti bellico deo sacrari dicunt, non ut uulgus putat, quia uelut supplicium de eo sumatur, quod Romani Ilio sunt oriundi, et Troiani ita effigie, in (?) equi sint capti' (cf. p. 57 Lindsay); Plut. Mor. 287 A. On the Ides of October each year a horse-race took place in the Campus Martius; the off-side horse of the winning chariot was sacrificed to Mars by the flamen martialis (Dio, xliii. 24. 4 of human sacrifice) and its head became the trophy in a contest between the inhabitants of Sacra Via and Subura. The winners nailed it to the Mamilian tower or the walls of the Regia respectively. The tail was brought to the Regia where the Vestals perhaps preserved the blood for religious purposes at the atonement feast of the Parilia (Festus, p. 178 M = p. 190, 16 Lindsay); Ovid, Fasti, iv. 731 ff.; Propert. iv. 1. 19 f. The sacrifice of the horse connects with the purification of the army on its return from the summer campaign, and with the armilustrium of 19 October; cf. xxiii. 10. 17 for a similar rite in <a class="linkToPlace" target="_blank" href="/place?placename=Macedonia&groupId=723&placeId=428">Macedonia</a>. See Wissowa, 144 f.; Altheim, History of Roman Religion (London, 1938), 147; L. Deubner, Jahrb. 27, 1911, 326 f.; Keller, i. 246 ff.; G. Dumzil, Rituels, 73–85. However, J. G. Frazer, The Golden Bough <emph rend="superscript">3</emph> (London, 1911–15), v. 2. 42 ff., followed by Rose, The Roman Questions of <milestone unit="page" n="327">[327]</milestone> Plutarch (Oxford, 1924), 208, regards the October horse as originally a spirit of the grain; and this gains some support from the alternative explanation in Festus s.v. 'Panibus' (p. 246, 21 Lindsay): 'id sacrificium fiebat ob frugum euentum' (cf. H. M. Hubbell, Yale Stud. 1928, 179–92). Timaeus here shows himself acquainted with the legend deriving the Romans from Troy and with a detail of Roman topography, the Campus Martius. On the October horse see U. W. Scholz, Studien zum altitalischen und altrömischen Marskult und Marsmythos, Heidelberg, 1970. </p> <p rend="Plain Text"> <emph rend="bold"><w lang="el-GR">διὰ τὸν ἵππον . . . τὸν δούριον</w>:</emph> on the tradition of the wooden horse see R. G. Austin, JRS, 1959, 16–25. Timaeus' use of religious tradition as evidence for his belief in the descent of the Romans from the Trojans can be paralleled by his reference to the 'Penates' of iron and bronze and Trojan pottery preserved at Lavinium (FGH, 566 F 59 = Dion. Hal. i. 67. 4). </p>
12.4.2 - 12.4.2
<p rend="Plain Text"> <emph rend="bold"><w lang="el-GR">πάντας τοὺς βαρβάρους</w>:</emph> not including the Romans, whom P. never calls barbarians except in reported speeches (cf. ix. 37. 6 n.). </p>
12.4.3 - 12.4.3
<p rend="Plain Text"> <emph rend="bold"><w lang="el-GR">ἵππον . . . σφαγιάζονται</w>:</emph> <w lang="el-GR">ἵππῳ</w> M, <w lang="el-GR">ἵππον</w> Geel, alii. Pdech, ad loc., successfully defends the instrumental dative by adducing parallels, also the intransitive use of <w lang="el-GR">προθύεσθαι</w>, on the meaning of which see L. Ziehen, Rh. Mus. 1904, 391–406. Horse-sacrifices are widely attested from Scythia (Herod. iv. 2), <a class="linkToPlace" target="_blank" href="/place?placename=Persia&groupId=871&placeId=1571">Persia</a> (Herod. vii. 113; Ovid, Fasti, i. 385), Parthia (Tac. Ann. vi. 37), Massagetae (Herod. i. 216. 4), <a class="linkToPlace" target="_blank" href="/place?placename=India&groupId=648&placeId=1187">India</a>, Germany, etc. (cf. Schrader, Reallex. <emph rend="superscript">2</emph> , ii. 173 f.; Stier, RE, 'Pferd', col. 1443; Frazer's commentary on Ovid, Fasti, i. 385; Dumzil, Rituels, 73–85 (with bibliography on p. 86, nn. 2–3). </p> <p rend="Plain Text"> <emph rend="bold"><w lang="el-GR">σημειούμενοι . . . ἐκ τῆς . . . πτώσεως</w>:</emph> not elsewhere attested. </p>
12.4.1 - 12.4.1
<p rend="Plain Text"> <emph rend="bold"><w lang="el-GR">ὀψιμαθίαν</w>:</emph> Theophrastus' <w lang="el-GR">ὀψιμαθής</w> (Char. 27) displays excessive zeal in inappropriate activities, and Pdech, ad loc., accepts Perret's interpretation (442) that P. is attacking Timaeus for adducing elaborate proofs (cf. 25 i 5) for what was (in P.'s time) a generally accepted thesis. The fault springs from seeing newly acquired knowledge out of proportion (hence <w lang="el-GR">ὀψιμαθία)</w>. 'Pedantic irrelevance' perhaps renders it. P. is turning against Timaeus the charge of <w lang="el-GR">ὀψιμαθία</w> which he had levelled against Aristotle (8. 4 n.; von Scala, 127 n. 2). Plutarch (Nic. 1. 2) also calls Timaeus <w lang="el-GR">ὀψιμαθὴς καὶ μειρακιώδης</w>. </p>
12.4.2 - 12.4.2
<p rend="Plain Text"> <emph rend="bold"><w lang="el-GR">τὰ περὶ τὴν Λιβύην</w>:</emph> cf. 3. 1–6. </p> <p rend="Plain Text"> <emph rend="bold"><w lang="el-GR">τὰ περὶ τὴν Σαρδόνα</w>:</emph> no fragments of P.'s criticism of Timaeus' account of <a class="linkToPlace" target="_blank" href="/place?placename=Sardinia&groupId=947&placeId=1685">Sardinia</a> survive, but it will have occurred in conjunction with his criticism of what Timaeus said about Corsica (3. 7–4. 4). Timaeus' account of <a class="linkToPlace" target="_blank" href="/place?placename=Sardinia&groupId=947&placeId=1685">Sardinia</a> may be the basis of that in Diod. v. 15; cf. Brown, 38–9. </p> <p rend="Plain Text"> <emph rend="bold"><w lang="el-GR">τὰ κατὰ τὴν Ἰταλίαν</w>:</emph> none of Timaeus' inaccuracies concerning <a class="linkToPlace" target="_blank" href="/place?placename=Italy&groupId=656&placeId=1199">Italy</a> has survived, for the account of pasturing swine (4. 5–13) is a digression inspired by his account of Corsica. <milestone unit="page" n="328">[328]</milestone> </p>
12.4.3 - 12.4.3
<p rend="Plain Text"> <emph rend="bold"><w lang="el-GR">τὰ περὶ? τὰς ἀνακρίσεις</w>:</emph> cf. 27. 3, 'personal inquiry'. This is emphatically said to be the most important part of the historian's task: cf. 27. 6, 28 a 8; Vol. I, p. 10 n. 4. It consists, P. goes on to say (§ 5), in (a) consulting as many people as possible, (b) believing those who merit belief, and (c) being a good judge of <w lang="el-GR">τὰ προσπίπτοντα</w>, 'reports' (cf. iii. 15. 1 n.). These principles apply to historical inquiry in general, and not, of course, merely to the geographical material referred to here. </p>
12.4.1 - 12.4.1
<p rend="Plain Text"> <emph rend="bold"><w lang="el-GR">μεγίστην ἐπίφασιν ἕλκων</w>:</emph> 'emphasizes this at great length'. </p>
12.4.2 - 12.4.2
<p rend="Plain Text"> <emph rend="bold"><w lang="el-GR">ἀκριβῶς τὴν ἀλήθειαν ἐξετάζειν</w>:</emph> for P.'s emphasis on truth and accuracy see Vol. I, pp. 10–11; it was a traditional claim (cf. Thuc. i. 20. 3, 22. 1–2; Avenarius, 42 n. 12). </p>
12.4.4 - 12.4.4
<p rend="Plain Text"> <emph rend="bold"><w lang="el-GR">ἐν οἷς ἔφυ καὶ ἐτρά?φη τόποις</w>:</emph> i.e. <a class="linkToPlace" target="_blank" href="/place?placename=Sicily&groupId=973&placeId=1724">Sicily</a>, not <a class="linkToPlace" target="_blank" href="/place?placename=Syracuse&groupId=994&placeId=1753">Syracuse</a>. Despite Diod. xxi. 16. 5, where he is called <w lang="el-GR">ὁ Συρακόσιος</w> (a passage to which Columba, Riv. fil. 1887, 355 ff. and Laqueur, RE, 'Timaios', col. 1076, attach excessive weight), the sources are otherwise agreed in making him a citizen (presumably by birth) of Tauromenium (cf. Jacoby, FGH, iii b, p. 530); cf. FGH, 566 T 1, 3, 5, 13, 27, 28. Pdech, ad loc., suggests that he may perhaps have been born at <a class="linkToPlace" target="_blank" href="/place?placename=Syracuse&groupId=994&placeId=1753">Syracuse</a> under Timoleon, with whom his father had close links, and perhaps have studied there. De Sanctis (Storiografia siceliota, 44) thinks he could perhaps call himself a Syracusan because his father was one. </p>
12.4.5 - 12.4.5
<p rend="Plain Text"> <emph rend="bold"><w lang="el-GR">τὴν Ἀρέθουσαν κρήνην</w>:</emph> FGH, 566 F 41 b. The fountain of Arethusa is on the north side of the island of Ortygia at <a class="linkToPlace" target="_blank" href="/place?placename=Syracuse&groupId=994&placeId=1753">Syracuse</a>; its association with the Alpheius in <a class="linkToPlace" target="_blank" href="/place?placename=Elis&groupId=560&placeId=1048">Elis</a> is recorded by many authors, of whom the earliest are Ibycus (fg. 23 Diehl) and Pindar, Nem. 1. 1 (see also Lycus of <a class="linkToPlace" target="_blank" href="/place?placename=Rhegium&groupId=927&placeId=1659">Rhegium</a> (FGH, 570 F 9), Seneca, Nat. quaest. iii. 26. 5, vi. 8. 2; Pliny, Nat. hist. ii. 225). Timaeus is mentioned as a source for this story also by Antigonus, Hist. mir. 140 (probably using Callimachus) and Strabo, vi. 270–1 (both quoted in FGH, 566 F 41). On Arethusa see J. R. Smith, Springs and Wells in Greek and Roman Literature (New York-London, 1922), 669–72. Brown (30) argues that Timaeus may have recorded the myth as hallowed by tradition without actually believing it; perhaps, but Strabo seems to have understood him in the same way as P. did. </p>
12.4.6 - 12.4.6
<p rend="Plain Text"> <emph rend="bold"><w lang="el-GR">τετρακισχιλίους σταδίους ὑπὸ τὸ Σικελικὸν . . . πέλαγος</w>:</emph> from the mouth of the Alpheius to <a class="linkToPlace" target="_blank" href="/place?placename=Syracuse&groupId=994&placeId=1753">Syracuse</a> is about 330 miles, hence 4,000 stades is an exaggeration. Whether Timaeus mentioned this figure (it is not in Strabo or Antigonus), or P. put it in to add ridicule to the story, is uncertain. On the <a class="linkToPlace" target="_blank" href="/place?placename=Sicilian Sea&groupId=972&placeId=1723">Sicilian Sea</a> cf. i. 42. 4 n. </p>
12.4.8 - 12.4.8
<p rend="Plain Text"> <emph rend="bold"><w lang="el-GR">ὄνθου τε πλῆθος ἀναβλύζειν</w>:</emph> cf. Strabo, vi. 270, <w lang="el-GR">θολοῦσθαι ἀπὸ τῶν ἐν Ὀλυμπίᾳ βουθυσιῶν</w>; Antig. Hist. mir. 140, <w lang="el-GR">οὐ καθαρὰν εἶναι . . . ἀλλὰ ῥεῖν ὄνθῳ</w>?. </p> <p rend="Plain Text"> <emph rend="bold"><w lang="el-GR">φιάλην χρυσῆν</w>:</emph> cf. Strabo, vi. 270, <w lang="el-GR">καὶ γὰρ φιάλην τινὰ ἐκπεσοῦσαν</w> <milestone unit="page" n="329">[329]</milestone> <w lang="el-GR">εἰς τὸν ποταμὸν ἐνόμισαν δεῦρο ἀνενεχθῆναι εἰς τὴν κρήνην</w>; Antig. Hist. mir. 140, <w lang="el-GR">φιάλην ποτ</w>f <w lang="el-GR">εἰς τὸν Ἀλφειὸν ποταμὸν ἐμβληθεῖσαν ἐ?ν ἐκεί?νῃ φανῆναι</w>. </p> <p rend="Plain Text"> <emph rend="bold"><w lang="el-GR">ἀνείλοντο</w>:</emph> 'they took it up' (Pdech) or 'they made off with it' (Paton). </p>
Addenda & corrigenda
12.4.8 - 12.4.8
<p rend="Plain Text"> <emph rend="bold">4. 8. <w lang="el-GR">τὴν μίαν</w> (sic) <w lang="el-GR">τοκάδα κτλ</w>.:</emph> Larsen, CP, 1969, 44, suggests translating: 'so that a single farrowing of a single herd produces a thousand <milestone unit="page" n="781">[781]</milestone> or even more piglets'. <w lang="el-GR">τοκάς</w>, 'farrowing' is unattested, but plausible; and it would remove the apparently faulty logic, since the size of the herd is a cause of the large number of piglets produced at one farrowing. </p>
12.4.1 - 12.4.1
<p rend="Plain Text"> <emph rend="bold">4 b 1. <w lang="el-GR">ἵππον</w>:</emph> on the October horse see U. W. Scholz, Studien zum altitalischen und altrömischen Marskult und Marsmythos, Heidelberg, 1970. </p>

Commentary